A Study of Higher Education's Influence on Princely State Society

As a result of the proliferation of English-language universities in the region, many brilliant minds, including Alur Venkatarao, Ramachandra Hanumantha Deshapande, Bengal Rama Rao, Deputy Channabasappa, Muduvidu Krishnarao, Kadapa Raghavendra, B.M. Srikantia, K.V.Putappa, and others, put forth reform proposals for the people of Mysore State. The Devadasi system, sati, and other types of social discrimination based on untouchability (Caste system), diminished property rights for women, and calls for the emancipation of the lower classes were all targets of the social reforms that swept over India and influenced Mysore's territory. The legal marriage of minor girls was outlawed in the monarchy in 1894. Women were allowed the right to vote in federal elections for the first time in 1923, and they were also encouraged to remarry after experiencing widowhood or economic hardship. Kodagu rebellion in 1835 (after the British dethroned the local ruler Chikkaviraja) and Kanara insurrection in 1837 were two examples of uprisings against British authority in the Mysore territory. Christian missionaries ushered in the printing age, which saw the establishment of printing presses all around the kingdom. In the early nineteenth century, Aluru Venkata Rao published a consolidated Kannada history praising the accomplishments of Kannadigas in his book Karnataka Gatha Vaibhava. This book was followed by the publication of a Kannada-language Bible, a bilingual dictionary, and a Kannada newspaper called Kannada Samachara. The public's newfound knowledge of societal problems prompted national leaders to launch a series of initiatives designed to eliminate them.

In contrast to other parts of colonial India under direct rule, where male cultural nationalists in the nineteenth century and first-wave Indian feminism beginning in the 1910s foregrounded the women's question in very different ways, social movements in Mysore lacked intellectual force and were organizationally weak. New associational spaces family were more active in the adjoining Madras Presidency. Even while the Bangalore Literary Union, the Ranade Society, and the Widow Remarriage Association did have periodic seminars and speeches, members of the Mysore Brahmo Samaj were hesitant to accept a widow's remarriage in the city. The government of Mysore recognised the need to strengthen the city's civil and social institutions early on, and the establishment of the Mysore Civic and Social Progress Association in 1915 was one such attempt. The state's efforts to restructure family life and cultivate private sources of acceptable behaviour independent of religion stood in stark contrast to these. They showed a desire to expand state legality at the expense of a variety of non-state law-ways, but their mixed results revealed the limitations of reformers' imaginations and the insufficient breadth of governmentality. For the sake of administrative convenience and to change social practises that had become a growing embarrassment, it was necessary to redraw the borders between licit and unlawful sexual activity. This had the effect of transforming the family, recasting sexuality, and redefining connections of affect. Family (reproductive) and nonfamily (non-reproductive) female sexuality were inextricably connected as places of reform or transformation for both colonial rulers and national elites. At the turn of the century, the bureaucracy in southern India and Mysore in particular initiated an abolitionist push against the devadasi, or temple dancing women, motivated by moral concerns. Concerns about the sexual health of the Indian population, as well as the maintenance of the family order and the borders between licit and illegal sexuality, had begun to divide Indians in the third decade of the twentieth century. In this article, we examine a specific juncture in this modernising process and its notions of domestic and nondomestic sexuality, focusing on how they changed in tandem with women's rights to property both inside and outside the home. When and how did the devadasis who worked at muzrai temples lose their authority and power? Moreover, how did the later Mysore state establish women's property rights within the framework of the newly constituted reproductive family?

Mysore State's Devadasi System is a major social problem. A major stain on Indian culture was left by the Devadasi System. The Devadasis were temple dancers whose sole purpose was to worship God through song and dance. The occupation was among the world's earliest. They gave performances at the temples on occasion. During the 18th and 19th centuries, there were significant shifts in their responsibilities that essentially degraded them to the status of prostitutes. In Panchapay, the Devadasi people established their own caste with distinct legal, Devadasis of Assam were known as Nati or Natini, and the same social order reigned there. Devadasis could be found in most temples. The Basavis were connected to the temples of Shiva and Vishnu. They were also linked to the temples of certain towns. Among the lesser castes, such as the Holeyas and the Madigas, the practise of dedicating a female to the service of the god as Basavi was more common. These Basavis and Devadasis were held in high esteem because of the significant contributions they made to community life. As they abandoned their religious and social responsibilities and became avaricious in the later 19th century, society relegated the Basavis and Devadasis to the status of prostitutes. Even with their combined might, Hyder and Tipu were unable to eradicate this pernicious system.

Untouchability, a term meaning "uncleanliness," has been around in India since ancient times. In the Hindu philosophy of caste, the Scheduled castes (also known as depressed classes) made up the fifth and lowest level of society. Venomous untouchability tainted Hindu culture. According to Mahatma Gandhi, "a curse that has come to us and as long as a course remains with us, so long I think we are bound to consider that every affiliation that labours in this sacred land is a fit and proper punishment for this great and indelible crime that we are committing." It's incomprehensible that a person's vocation would make him immune to harm. For this reason, "untouchability attaching to birth or calling is an atrocious doctrine, repugnant to the religious sense of man." It is the sworn responsibility of every Hindu, according to Mahatma Gandhi, to fight what he deemed an immoral practise. To eliminate the worst evil that has infiltrated Hinduism without disturbing the magnificent system of division of labour, he proposes ending untouchability. Mysore's sultans were also instrumental in ending the practise of caste discrimination. The State's populace gained enlightenment as a result of the proliferation of modern education. The Christian missionaries made several initiatives, including teaching the untouchables and providing them with better paying jobs. Educating the populace and stressing the importance of ending caste distinction and untouchability were central goals of socio-religious reform groups like Arya Samaj and the Ramakrishna Mission. The Wodeyars of Mysore were profoundly influenced by Swamy Vivekananda's ideas. As a result of these considerations, the government has legislated many restrictions on this terrible practise. The government of Mysore established various schools for the city's untouchable population towards the end of the 19th century. Two government schools, one in Huskur and one in Narsipur, were made available to Holeya children in 1889–90. Three

English and higher education have had an effect on safeguarding Child Wives. When the majority of the Mysore Assembly voted against a regulation to prevent infant marriage in 1893, the government of Mysore overruled their decision, saying, "the regulation is in some quarters regarded as any undue interference with the liberty of the subject, but (general sentiment) demands the abolition under the authority of law of certain usages which are as much opposed to the spirit of the Hindu Sastras as they are to the best interests of society." Dewan Mirza Ismail, speaking on behalf of a "general sentiment" expressing the opposite position forty years later. When the representative Assembly voted in favour of bringing the Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929 to Mysore, he voted against it, saying, "The balance of reasons seems to be in favour of living creatures alone.... Reform must start from within in order to be genuine and long-lasting. It can't be forced on anyone. Within the span of a few decades, the Mysore government shifted from a position of caution, and possibly even self-criticism on the efficacy of the prior regulation, to one of more sweeping liberalisation. What happened in that time that caused such a radical change in the state's position on marriage reform? One constant over this time period was the Dewan's belief in his own superiority to representative institutions as the final arbitrator of popular opinion. When compared to the other legislative initiatives of the princely state, which sought to implement the generalised legal form across all of Mysore society, the Mysore Marriage Regulation of 1894 stands out as a clear example of the failure to effect the social transformations necessary to realise the vision of a unified Mysore under a unified legal framework.

After modernisation and democratisation in India were introduced through education, the non-Brahmin movement flourished in the south. The Brahmin, a people that had a history of scholarship going back centuries, were the pioneers of modernisation. They pioneered the present privileged class of English speakers. As a result, they became the power brokers in government. The apparatuses and workings of government. Despite tensions between the Madrasi Brahmins and the Mysore Brahmins, the Brahmins were able to maintain their hold on power in the princely state of Mysore from 1881 and 1918. Casters and members of the middle class (the Lingayats and the "Jain"). Those who spoke Kannada, such as the princely kingdom of Mysore, were the second to modernise and begin organising for social reforms, constructing educational facilities, and composing for governmental services. supported by Chatrapti Shahu Maharaja of Kolhapur, who was also a supporter of the "Satya Shodhak Samaj." For his assistance to the Veerashaiva community, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaja of Kolhapur was honoured by Shrimant Bullappa Basavant Rao, Mamale Desai, president of the sixth session of the "All India Veerashaiva Mahasabha" held in Belgaum in 1911. In 1916, in Madras province, the non-Brahmin movement was launched by people like Dr. T.M. Nair, Dr. C. Natesa Mudaliar, etc. under the name of the "justice Party." There are three distinct phases to it. Dravid Kazhagam, often known as the "Justice Party," was a pivotal organisation in the non-Brahmin movement between 1916 and 1925. After being exposed to modernization and democratic processes at the turn of the 20th century, the Lingayats in the princely state of Mysore, Mumbai Karnataka, and the Bellary district of Madras Karnataka made serious attempts for the social and economic development of the „Lingayat community by establishing educational institutions, creating educational funds, and encouraging community members to join the civil services. The non-Brahmin movements in Madras and Bombay provinces, particularly the 12th-century "Lingayat" movement, greatly affected them. A few of them had attended schools in Madras and Kolhapur. Both Brahmins and non-Brahmins in Hyderabad, Karnataka faced stiff competition from Muslims for jobs in the government and the private sector. The "Lingayats" and the "Muslims" first allied to restrain Brahmin rule in the princely state of Mysore before joining forces with the "Vokkaligas" to form the non-Brahmin movement. The "Lingayats" aspired to challenge the Brahmins for leadership roles in the academic and administrative spheres. When the "Wodeyar royal dynasty" took power again in 1881, it was not popular among Muslims. Under Haider Ali and Tipu Sutan, Muslims in Indonesia benefited from elevated status between 1761 and 1799. In subsequent years, the "Vokkaligas" and the "Kurubas" also embraced the non-Brahmin ideology. To ensure facilities in the educational field and civil services for the non-Brahmins through reservation and competition, the "Lingayats" and the "Vokkaligas" were primary partners in the non-Brahmin movement. Mysore Brahmins, like their Tamilian counterparts, "had established a runaway lead over the two dominat landed gentry castes of the „Lingayats and the „Vokkaligas in the mobilisation of the non-Brahmins for educational and administrative benefits, as noted by the Mandal Commission. The "Justice movement" in Madras began to gain momentum almost simultaneously. Brahmin domination in government and education in the princely state of Mysore sparked unrest among the state's "Lingayats" and "Vokkaligas." The Lingayat aristocracy purchased up Brahmin lands as the Brahmins migrated to the cities. They organised into different social classes. in 1904, but its influence was limited to the Karnataka regions of Bombay, the princely state of Mysore, and Madras. It was unable to reach the city of Hyderabad in Karnataka. Some Muslim groups in the Nizam state committed atrocities against Hindus and others. Some Muslims in Gulbarga petitioned the government in 1924 to have the Sharanabasaveshwar temple relocate because its tower cast a shade on the Bande Navaz Dargah during prayers and the temple's bells distracted worshippers. The Sharanabasaveshwara temple's bells were banned and its tower was demolished at the behest of the Nizam administration. The Arya Samaj had taken precautions to prevent more crimes by their Muslim organisation, but the Lingayats had not. In 1934, Sarvashri Shankar Rao Nalle of Choukimath, Udagir, and Sangramappa Setagar responded to these challenges by establishing the „Veerashaiva Samaj. Veerashaiva Samaj's 1935 Udagir conference, presided over by Shri Nanasaheb Babanagankar, officially changed its name to Nizam Prantiya Veerashaiva Parishat.The initial secretary were Sarvashri Sangramappa Setagar and Prabhu Rao.

We have seen the resentment which this engendered among lingayats and Vokkaligas who lived in the urban context as a result of the remarkable success of Mysore Brahmins in seizing opportunities in education and employment which had grown up in the urban sphere in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. At the turn of the century, these males started trying to form an organisation to take on the Brahmins. As was mentioned earlier, the Princely Government of this time period used the words Lingayat and vokkaliga to identify the Mysore countryside's ruling class. Within a short time, the urban populace had come to think of these groups (or "castes") as inherently distinct entities reflecting a set of shared characteristics. It was only natural for urban Lingayat and Vokkaligas to use the terms of reference which had gained currency at the state level: the Lingayat and Vokkaliga categories—when they formed organisations to lobby for special measures for their growth. Consequently, in 1905 and 1906, the "Mysore Lingayat Education Fund Association" (MLEFA) and the "Vokkaligara Sangha" were founded in Bangalore. These groups were founded and led by guys who were not typical of each group. Few state official servants and famous professional men, affluent businesspeople, and a few small-time landlords stood out among the founders.614 They only represented a small subset of each group, and their excitement for Lingayat or Vokkaliga togetherness was not strong enough to convince them to renounce long-held biases against intermarriage and kinship. Somewhat reluctantly, they had started to identify as "Vokkaligas" or "Lingayats" in their own minds, using the terms of reference that were common in the urban milieu. which used terms of reference that they themselves recognised as being manufactured. Both groups committed to improving the educational opportunities and living conditions of their members by soliciting donations from all over Mysore to fund scholarships and student hostels, as well as lobbying the government for special treatment in the form of scholarships and appointments to the civil service. However, these "caste" associations faced insurmountable challenges due to the gap between the state and local levels, which left rural lingayats and Vokkaligas either uninformed or uninterested in the urbanisation race. Both groups struggled financially in their early years and have struggled throughout their histories to gain widespread support and membership across the state. Neither group ever had more than a couple hundred of the mostly urban wealthy and educated616 as members. The majorities of the group’s members lived in or around Bangalore, whereas the mofussil members had joined for superficial reasons and were largely inactive inside the Bangalore groups. Some parts of the state received a disproportionate share of the scholarship money distributed by the associations. (This was less the consequence of bias towards certain Lingayat or Vokkaliga groups and rather the result of intimate personal connections with men in the selected locations.) The associations' sway outside of the capital was limited largely to serving as a model for philanthropists in the districts to emulate; this trend did not pick up steam until the late 1920s, when the elite of the mofussil town first became aware of the state-wide political arena and developed a category consciousness.

With Visweswaraya's appointment, the educated Brahmin class of Mysore "were satisfied that their interests were safe in the hands of the Dewan," as the Dewan was a Mysore Brahmin, and the curtain came down on the fight between the Madrassi and the Mysoreans. Emerging non-Brahmins, however, began to experience tension within their own ranks since they saw little opportunity for advancement in the urban milieu due to Brahmin supremacy. Some new state departments were established and vacant positions filled during Visweswaraya's Dewanship, allowing for the appointment of more qualified Brahmins. Some of the "qualified non-Brahmins" were overlooked for the positions, it is true. As a result, non-Brahmin supporters labelled the Dewan as "Communalists," claiming that this "discrimination," as they called it, was most evident in the judiciary and tax departments. The Dewan's planning methodology applied across the board. The educated urban Brahmins were said to benefit from the new machinisation and industrial policies at the expense of the rural, non-Brahmin agriculturists.

expected to provide significant favouritism to non-Brahmins. In this chapter, we'll talk about how non-Brahmin Kantharaj Urs, a powerful official who supported the non-Brahmin cause, was made Dewan. We will also evaluate the Miller Committee's findings on the backward classes and the government order based on that report, as well as discuss the response of the state-supported non-Brahmins and the dissatisfied Brahmins. The chapter will also detail the government's administrative difficulties and argue that the years 1918–1926 represent the pinnacle of non-Brahmin advancement in Mysore thanks to the state's generous policies.

Kantharaj backed the non-Brahmins' demand for special facilities and allowed the Miller Committee to continue its investigation. C. Srikanteswara Iyer and M.C. Ranga Iyengar, both Brahmins, were two of the six members of the committee led by Justice Leslie, C. Miller. M. Basaviah (Lingayat), H. Channaiah (Vokkaliga), Gulam Ahmed Kalami (Muslim), and Muthanna (minor castes) were the other four members of the council who were not Brahmins. A majority of non-Brahmins on the committee would vote in favour of generous concessions for these groups. All of the non-Brahmin members were also vocal opponents of the Brahmins' hold on political power. The constitution and the committee's name (Backward classes in the middle) give the impression that the government is trying to win over the non-Brahmin population.

India has a long tradition of higher education dating back to antiquity. There was no room for the teaching of rationality and science, only religious and cultural education. Only the wealthy and the higher castes had any chance of succeeding. Under their leadership, our country's educational and social prejudices improved, but they made no concerted effort to boost higher education for the country's future. In these situations, we must demonstrate that only education can bring about fundamental changes in society. Germany lost the war, along with her economy and its soldiers' will to fight Triple foreigners. Because Hitler invested in their education, the German people were transformed into fearless warriors in under twenty years, ready to give their lives for their country. In the 17th century, a great European state (Austria) defeated Italy and unified the peninsula. During this time period, notable figures like Gouseppe Mazzini, Cavour, and Garibaldi received an excellent education. They tried to unite all of Italy.Russia is not lagging behind in providing this form of education to its people, who were clinging to superstition and religion in earlier years. There have been several remarkable advancements in this area after the provision of quality and national education. This means that within a few years, thanks to their moot by the rise of higher education and alternative career paths. People in India were almost entirely reliant on modern education and Government jobs to earn a decent living, given the country's virtual lack of industrial, commercial, and social service activities. The formal education and training institutions' greater significance in improving people's future chances is largely attributable to the modernization of vocations and the industrialization of occupational processes. Many of India's most prominent political figures, thinkers, and reformers—including Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dadabhai Naoroji, Ferozeshah Mehta, Gokhale, Gandhi, Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose, and dozens of princely state kings and dewans—were educated in this modern era. They assumed the burden of transforming India from a civilization that was divided, impoverished, superstitious, weak, uncaring, backward, and inward looking into one that is modern, open, plural, culturally rich, prosperous, and powerful.

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