A Study on Relationship between Supportive Parenting styles and emotional well-being and whether they are mediated by basic Psychological need Satisfaction

Juli Kumari1*, Shankar Kumar Yadav2

1 Research Scholar, University Department of Psychology, Tilka Manjhi Bhagalpur University, Bhagalpur Bihar

Email: Julikumari16121991@gmail.com

2 Research Scholar, University Department of Psychology, Tilka Manjhi Bhagalpur University, Bhagalpur Bihar

Email: shankarkumar270395@gmail.com

Abstract - The study looked at how fundamental psychological need fulfillment mediates the association between emotional well-being and supportive parenting approaches (i.e., warmth, structure, and autonomy support). The article delves further into the topic, discussing how fundamental psychological needs dissatisfaction may buffer the relationship between emotional illness and disruptive parenting techniques such as rejection, disruption, and coercion. A total of 395 Bhagalpurian teenagers (49.5% male and 50.5% female) between the ages of 11 and 15 took part in the research. For this hypothesis testing, we turned to structural equation model (SEM) analysis. The study's results show that parental support styles are associated with higher levels of emotional well-being when basic psychological needs are satisfied, and that negative parenting styles are associated with lower levels of emotional well-being when basic psychological needs are frustrated (Chi-Square = 434.39; df = 220; p = 0.000; RMSEA = 0.05; CFI = 0.91; GFI = 0.91; SRMR = 0.05). Findings show that thwarting parenting style favorably affects fulfillment of fundamental psychological needs, which is rather interesting. The study's authors draw the conclusion that meeting adolescents' fundamental psychological needs is one way in which supportive parenting improves their health. Nevertheless, needs were nevertheless met despite parents' efforts to obstruct them. The discussion was on how the teenagers from Bhagalpur evaluated the method of resisting parenting.

Keywords - Parenting, Thwarting, Emotional Well-Being, Relationship, Psychology, Ill-Being.

1. INTRODUCTION

The extent to which adolescents' fundamental psychological needs are met is strongly influenced by parenting activities, which in turn affects the results of their developmental processes. The essential psychological needs of children and adolescents are met by autonomy-supportive parenting, according to self-determination theory (SDT), but these requirements are thwarted by high-control parenting. Children and adolescents (those between the ages of 9 and 20) who report feeling their parents' support for their autonomy are more likely to have their fundamental psychological needs met, and when these needs are met, their overall well-being is improved. [1]

dolescents' happiness, energy and quality of life are favorably impacted when their fundamental psychological needs are met. On the other side, young people are more likely to have mental health issues and problematic behaviors when they are under strict parental supervision. Frustration with meeting fundamental psychological needs might exacerbate teenage maladjustment and mental health issues. Frustration with these demands also has a detrimental effect on teenage anxiety, sadness, and life satisfaction. [2]

The cultural orientation of parents influences their parenting styles. The Western tendency toward individualism contrasts with the collectivist traditional culture of China. Therefore, Western parents are more prone to encourage their children to develop unique personalities and a sense of autonomy, placing a premium on helping their children form a sense of identity outside from the family. Chinese parents, on the other hand, tend to emphasize their children's collective traits and encourage a sense of self that is reliant on these three levels of society. Parenting styles that encourage children's autonomy are more common among mothers who identify with autonomy-supportive practices and who express wanting to help their children become more self-reliant. On the other hand, aims and actions connected to encouraging children's relationship development with others are more often reported by moms with an interdependent cultural orientation. [3] Children of parents from individualistic cultures often have their voices heard, have their views valued, and are encouraged to make their own decisions. On the other hand, children from collectivistic societies are often expected to respect and follow the rules set by adults in charge. As a result, parents who come from collectivistic cultures are more prone to be overprotective than those from individualistic ones. [4]

Both the influence of parental practices and the developmental outcomes experienced by adolescents are moderated by their cultural orientation. examined 466 college students from the Philippines to determine how family responsibilities impact their academic performance, emotional involvement with school, life satisfaction, and positive and negative emotions. [5]

Students' interdependent self-construal was also considered as a moderator. The researchers discovered that pupils whose self-construal was interdependent were more positively affected by familial responsibilities in terms of autonomous learning motivation and life satisfaction than those whose self-construal was independent. [6] Additionally, children with autonomous self-construal reported no substantial impact of family duties on their academic involvement or well-being. Students with interdependent self-construal reported lower levels of school engagement and well-being, which was inversely predicted by family commitments. It seems that kids who have an interdependent self-construal may benefit greatly from family responsibilities in terms of their willingness to study autonomously, overall health, and involvement in school. [7]

Investigated the effects of parental autonomy support on adolescents' development (school engagement, learning motivation, self-worth, and depression) and the moderating role of adolescents' self-construal (independent-interdependent) in a study involving 245 American and 156 Ghanaian adolescents. According to the results, teenagers who had an independent self-construal were more likely to perceive a negative correlation between parental control and autonomy support than those whose self-construal was interdependent. Adolescents who were able to construct their own identities had a more beneficial effect on their involvement in school when they felt their parents supported their autonomy. Teens whose self-construal is interdependent were shown to have a positive correlation with perceived parental autonomy support and depression, but those whose self-construal is independent did not show any such correlation. [8] Differences in cultural orientation across generations become more apparent at times of fast social change. Individualism is more common among younger generations than among older ones. analysed the relationship between modernity and subjective variables like social trust and respect for parents, in addition to objective variables like urbanization levels and divorce rates. Using official statistics, they examined the rise of individualism in China from 1980 to 2010. They discovered that there was a generational gap in this trait, and that it had been steadily rising over the previous three decades, revealed that when asked about their values, employees born in the 1990s and after scored lower on collectivism and higher on individuality. conducted a value study on 1,464 teenagers in six Chinese cities in 2015 using the "Rokeach Value Survey," including Beijing, Guangzhou, and Jilin. This study's findings were compared to those of 1987, 1998, and 2004. Their research shows that, ultimately, teenagers value autonomy and pragmatism more than ever before. Taken together, these findings show that younger Chinese generations, especially during times of fast social change, are becoming more individualistic and less collectivist. [9]

Adolescents must prioritize their emotional health since they are going through a lot of changes, including changes in their families' relationships as well as physical, psychological, intellectual, and social changes. Stress and mental health issues may manifest as a result of the demands brought on by these changes. Furthermore imply that mental health issues often manifest throughout the latter stages of childhood and adolescence. Adolescents' emotional health is, hence, vital to their mental health. Physical and mental health are more common among adolescents who report high levels of emotional well-being. In addition to avoiding substance and internet abuse, they may improve their academic performance, develop strong interpersonal and intrapersonal skills, and learn to cope with life's challenges more effectively. Positivity in adolescence is associated with sustained happiness throughout adulthood, so those characteristics might persist. [10]

Individuals' three fundamental psychological needs the desire for relatedness, competence, and autonomy could be met or hindered, according to The Self-Determination Theory (SDT), an approach to personal well-being. Individuals will have a sense of connectedness in excellent relationships with others when their relatedness requirements are met, a sense of productivity when their competence needs are met, and a desire to manage one's own conduct when one's autonomy needs are satisfied. When all the needs are met, one reaches a state of emotional well-being. Psychological requirements are linked to vital and energetic sentiments, life satisfaction, and a more substantial beneficial impact, according to several research that found a correlation between happiness and fulfilment. On the other side, people may experience feelings of rejection and isolation if their relatedness demands are unmet. emotions of coercion and inferiority might result from unfulfilled autonomy needs, whereas emotions of helplessness and inadequacy can result from unfulfilled competence requirements. argue that mental health issues will ensue if needs are not met. Eating disorders, anxiety, somatization, and lack of sleep are some of the mental health issues that may result from the inability to meet fundamental needs. [11]

Needs fulfilments was originally thought of as a one-dimensional variable on a scale from very low to very high. Although more research has linked poor needs fulfilment to worse well-being, it has not shown a causal relationship between the two. Hence, to differentiate between needs (dis)satisfaction and needs frustration; suggest a dual-process model. Put simply, there are several dimensions to the definition of fundamental psychological needs, including fulfilment and dissatisfaction. Low need satisfaction is not a prerequisite for the existence of need frustration, lending credence to the idea that the connection between the two is asymmetrical. In contrast, a low level of need fulfilment is indicative of a high level of need frustration.

Researchers in SDT have come to a consensus that needs fulfilment and needs frustration are distinct concepts with distinct causes and effects. created an additional BPNSFS metric that distinguishes between needs fulfilment and needs frustration. It is important to distinguish between needs satisfaction and needs frustration when measuring and interpreting BPNSFS, since research from diverse groups and languages supports the idea that these are separate phenomena. Ending on a positive note, it is not out of the question that people might experience both extremes of contentment and irritation simultaneously, given that these two fundamental psychological needs are seen as distinct concepts. [12]

It is well-known that the social environment greatly affects the growth, functioning, and health (or lack thereof) of teenagers, regardless of whether their fundamental psychological requirements are met or not. The effect of parenting on the health and happiness of teenagers has been shown in several researches. There are those who found that having supportive parents had an impact on their mental health as teens and those who found a correlation between parental participation and good moods. However, research has also shown that parenting styles may impact the mental health of teenagers. For example, it has been shown that symptoms of depression are associated with a lack of supervision or monitoring, inconsistent disciplinary measures, and physical punishment. Adolescents who contemplate suicide are more likely to exhibit certain parental characteristics. [13]

The three facets of parental influence that may be examined are parenting style (the emotional atmosphere in the home), parenting goals (the aspirations of the parents), and parenting practices (the actions taken by the parents to achieve these aspirations). There is a lot of confusion between parenting style and parenting practice. Still, it's important to note that the former emphasizes the process of parenting while the latter emphasizes the specific actions parents do. Research on parenting styles has received more funding since the 1940s, but studies examining parenting techniques have not been nearly as fruitful since they are unable to account for variations in children's social and emotional development. [14]

There are two main ways to research parenting styles: one is the dimensional method, which looks at each parenting component separately, and the other is the typological approach, which combines several parenting aspects into styles. Six essential parenting characteristics based on a comprehensive literature review: coercion, warmth, structure, autonomy support, rejection, and chaos. The warmth component highlights the need of unconditional love, emotional support, and emotions of attachment; the structure dimension stresses the need of clear explanation and appropriate limits; and the autonomy-supportive dimension is shown by providing possibilities for comfortable expression of ideas and views. In contrast, parents' angry and negative facial expressions are a hallmark of rejection, inconsistent rules and actions suggest disorder, and overbearing control is a hallmark of coercion. [15]

2. METHODOLOGY

• Participants

A total of 395 students from three different senior high schools took part in the research; men made up 49.5% of the sample and girls 50.5%. The participants' ages varied from eleven to fifteen years old (M = 12.98, SD = 0.77), and according to their grade point averages, 64.23 percent were seventh graders, 31.97 percent were eighth graders, and 3.81 percent were ninth graders.

• Procedures

This research has been approved by the Research Ethics Committee. The participants were informed about the purpose, method of data collecting, and security measures in place before they were asked to sign a permission form. During their regularly scheduled class time, participants spent 15 to 30 minutes filling out paper-and-pencil surveys with the help of study assistants.

• Measures

Parenting Style

We used the Bhagalpur version of the Parents as Social Context Questionnaire (PSCQ) Adolescent Report to assess parenting styles. The instrument is comprised of six dimensions related to parenting, each with four items: warmth (e.g., "My parents think I am special"), rejection (e.g., "Nothing I do is good enough for my parents"), structure (e.g., "When I want to do something, my parents show me how"), chaos (e.g., "My parents punish me for no reason"), autonomy support (e.g., "My parents trust me"), and coercion (e.g., "My parents are always telling me what to do"). Using 4-point Likert scales, from 1 (not at all true) to 4 (extremely true), participants filled out the survey. Scores of 0.83 for warmth, 0.80 for rejection, 0.79 for structure, 0.74 for autonomy support, 0.70 for coercion, and 0.66 for coercion indicate that the PSCQ had strong internal consistency reliability, according to the study.

Emotional and Mental Foundations

To evaluate fundamental psychological needs, the Bhagalpur version of the fundamental Psychological Needs Satisfaction and Frustration Scale (BPNSF), A typical version of the scale has six subscales, each measuring a different aspect of autonomy, relatedness, and competence. Each subscale has four items. The autonomy subscale measures things like "I feel a sense of choice and freedom in the things I undertake," the relatedness subscale measures things like "I feel connected with people who care for me and for whom I care," and the competence subscale measures things like "I feel capable at what I do." On the other hand, the competence subscale measures things like "I feel insecure about my abilities." Finally, each subscale measures the frustration with autonomy, relatedness, and relatedness. Bhagalpurian version of the autonomy frustration instruments omitted two questions ("Most of the things I do feel like I have to" and "My daily activities feel like a chain of obligation") because of negative factor loading. The tool was evaluated using a 5-point Likert scale, where 1 represents utterly false and 5 represents absolutely truthful. The pleasure and frustration subscales of the fundamental psychological needs scale had satisfactory internal consistency, with α = 0.791 and α = 0.709, respectively.

Mental Health and Mental Illness Diener et al. (2010) used the Scale of Positive and Negative Experience (SPANE) to evaluate subjective sensations of well-being and ill-being. The instrument consisted of six items that assessed SPANE-P (Positive Emotional Experience; for example, "joyful") and SPANE-N (Negative Emotional Experience; for example, "angry"). On a 5-point Likert scale, where 1 indicates very seldom or never and 5 means very frequently or usually, items were rated. The SPANE-P and SPANE-N scales have shown internal consistency in the Bhagalpurian sample, with α = 0.77 and α = 0.75, respectively.

• Evaluation Strategy

Utilizing Little's MCAR test, an initial investigation was carried out about the missing value. Each variable's descriptive statistics, including its mean and standard deviation, were detailed. Next, in order to check for multicollinearity, we used Pearson's product-moment correlations to look at the ties between the variables. Then, to find out how fundamental psychological requirements mediated the connection between parenting style and emotional health, we used serial structural model equation (SEM) tests. In essence, this study included four variables: emotional health and emotional illness as outcomes, parenting styles as predictors and mediators, and levels of satisfaction and frustration with basic psychological needs as the former and latter, respectively. This means that the SEM investigations used to assess the mediation factors adhered to the causal approach.

To begin, we ran the numbers to make sure that our first model, which included regressing our predictor factors on our outcome variables, had a good match. Significant route coefficients are anticipated. Model 2 entailed concurrently regressing outcome factors on mediator variables and predictor variables on mediator variables in order to evaluate the overall model fit. It is essential that all route coefficients be statistically significant and that the model fits well. Last but not least, you must ensure that the sum of the routes on Model 2 between the result and predictor variables is significant and not limited to zero. When the unconstrained model's addition routes between predictors and outcomes do not substantially improve the fit when contrasted with the restricted model, a mediational effect is present.

In this research, a number of model fit indices were used, such as chi-square (χ2), RMSEA, an absolute fit index GFI, and two additional popular ones: the comparative fit index (CFI) and the specific root mean square residual (SRMSR). The following criteria were used to determine the cut-off points for fit indices: RMSEA and SRMSR values should be less than 0.08, and GFI and CFI values should be at least 0.90. Both correlation and descriptive statistics were conducted using the Statistical Product and Service Solution (SPSS) 22.0 for Mac. in the other hand, the SEM was run in R using the Lavaan package.

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

• An Overview of the Data and Initial Evaluation

The analysis of missing data revealed that out of the whole sample, about 21 (5.32%) had no values. Each participant's maximum missing value is 5.60 percent. We used the expectation-maximization approach for missing value imputation (Hair et al., 2014) since a Little's MCAR test indicated that the missing values were randomly distributed (χ2 = 605.49, df = 592, p = 0.34). Table 1 shows the calculated means, standard deviations, and bivariate correlations for each construct's observed variables.

Table 1. Data on averages, dispersion, and relationships between metrics.

There is a negative correlation between emotional illness and emotional well-being, as one would predict. A child's emotional health is positively correlated with the fulfilment of three fundamental needs and the presence of a supporting parenting style, and adversely correlated with the presence of a thwarting parenting style and the frustration of three basic psychological demands. Emotional distress is associated with this seemingly contradictory pattern: while it correlates negatively with three dimensions of supportive parenting and three dimensions of basic needs satisfaction, it correlates positively with three dimensions of thwarting parenting and three dimensions of basic psychological needs frustration. Despite a strong link with other aspects of resisting parenting, such as rejection and disarray, the unexpected finding is that coercion, as one of these dimensions, does not correlate substantially with emotional well-being or ill-being.

• Analyzing Media Relations

Using three stages of structural equation models, we examined the mediational impact. First, there was a strong model fit and significant path coefficients in Model 1, which compared the direct effects of supporting and thwarting parenting styles on emotional well-being and emotional ill-being, respectively (refer to Table 2). Figure 1 demonstrates that there was a positive direct impact of a supportive parenting style on emotional well-being and a negative direct effect on emotional ill-being.

Figure 1. Structured equation for Model 1 consistently applied. Positive connections were denoted by solid lines, and negative ones by dashed lines. “*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001”

In contrast, there was a strong positive correlation with resisting parenting style and emotional illness. Model 2 was then updated to include the mediation variables (satisfaction and frustration with fundamental psychological needs) and found to have an acceptable goodness-of-fit according to all fit indices (see Table 2). There was a satisfactory level of significance and magnitude for all computed parameters (Figure 2). The direct association between a supportive parenting style and the fulfillment of fundamental psychological needs was strong and significant (γ = 0.84, p < 0.001), while the indirect relationship between supportive parenting and emotional well-being was also favorable (γ = 0.24), with the former being mediated by the latter. As a result of the mediation effect of fundamental psychological need frustration, obstructing parenting style was shown to have a positive indirect association with emotional ill-being (γ = 0.26), in addition to a positive direct link with basic psychological need frustration (γ = 0.57, p < 0.001). Furthermore, there was a direct and positive correlation between emotional well-being and the fundamental psychological requirement (β = 0.29, p < 0.001). Likewise, there was a significant correlation between the dissatisfaction of fundamental psychological requirements and emotional illness (β = 0.45, p < 0.001). Lastly, there were negative correlations between a supportive parenting style and the following outcomes: emotional misery, psychological need frustration, and fundamental psychological need fulfillment. On the other hand, there is no statistically significant correlation between a controlling parenting style and the fulfillment of fundamental psychological needs. When it came to emotional well-being, this model explained 29% of the variation and 20% of the overall variance.

Table 2. Models 1, 2, and 3's Fit Indexes!

Figure 2. Standardized structural equation of Model 2. Solid lines indicated positive relations, and dashed lines indicated negative relations. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

Nearly identical to Model 2, Model 3's study also looked at the importance of direct routes between the factors that were used to predict the result and the variables that were used to determine the outcome. Both the overall model fit of Model 3 and Model 2 were similar, and there was no statistically significant direct influence from predictor factors to outcome variables (Figure 3 and Table 2, respectively). Full mediation of the connection between parenting style and emotional well-being was found to occur in the domains of basic psychological needs fulfillment and basic psychological needs frustration, according to the findings.

Figure 3. Structural equation standardization for Model 3. Positive connections were denoted by solid lines, and negative ones by dashed lines. “*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001”

Finding out whether the fulfillment of fundamental psychological needs affects the association between emotionally healthy children and parents who are supportive of their development is the primary goal of this research. Furthermore, it investigates whether the frustration of fundamental psychological needs mediates the connection between emotionally unhealthy children and parents that use obstructing parenting techniques. In line with the predictions, the results demonstrated that a nurturing parenting style had a good effect on the fulfilment of fundamental psychological needs, leading to improved emotional health. Similarly, a thwarting parenting style may lead to increased emotional distress by favorably impacting the dissatisfaction of fundamental psychological demands.

According to the results, which are in agreement with those [16], positive outcomes and the fulfillment of psychological needs are predicted by supportive parenting practices, whereas negative outcomes and the frustration of psychological needs are reflected in thwarting parenting practices. Additionally, they discovered that psychological requirements act as a mediator between encouraging parenting and beneficial results, and between discouraging parenting and detrimental effects. Teenagers are more likely to experience subjective discomfort, negative emotions, and love when their parents engage in actions that undermine their competence needs and induce inferior sentiments. [17]

This study's main outcome lends credence to the SDT's assertion that children are more prone to engage in bad behaviors when they are frustrated. According to many studies [18] supportive parenting has the potential to be a distinct predictor of need fulfillment in SDT, whereas obstructing parenting functions to predict need frustration.

In contrast to the majority of prior research, this study found that a combative parenting style was a favorable predictor of the fulfillment of fundamental psychological needs. Parental pressure may have had a role in this outcome, according to the correlational findings. Despite the abundance of evidence linking controlling parenting to bad outcomes for children, several cross-cultural research have shown that controlling parenting had less of an impact on Eastern Asian samples, or perhaps no impact at all. Regulating parenting is seen as less demanding and more positively in East Asian society. This might explain the observed results. Demonstrates that Asian children are more prone to perceive parental control as an interest or involvement. In fact, an individualistic society would see such parenting as nothing more than a way for parents to express their rejection and displeasure, therefore it would have fewer positive connotations. [19]

This research highlights the cultural differences between the West and the East, which is significant since parenting is greatly influenced by culture. The first group sees punishment as a type of compulsion in which parents take the fall for their children's misbehaviour. Western cultures want to instill in their children the values of independence, bravery, self-reliance, and self-determination. Conversely, parenting in Eastern cultures is often linked to strict parental control and high expectations. This view originates from the hierarchical system that emphasizes the importance of younger generations' esteem for their elders. Another related attitude that is instilled by Bhagalpurian parents is that children should listen to their parents' counsel but also ask plenty of questions, especially on matters of religion and culture. [20]

4. CONCLUSION

By using the SDT framework, this research provides a thorough analysis of parenting style, basic psychological requirements, health, and illness. In particular, the results contribute to the expanding body of work on the idea of fundamental psychological needs. The current results may be flawed, however, since they are based on correlational data, which does not always indicate causation. Experimental or longitudinal approaches should be used in future studies to tackle this problem. among addition, the results among Bhagalpurian teenagers may be reflected in this research. Since we did not gather information about the family history, it may not show the precise familial condition, which may vary among groups. Future studies should account for these factors to better understand the subject. Important implications for future practice are borne out by the results of this investigation. It shown that teenagers' well-being is improved when their parents provide them with the assistance they need to meet their three fundamental psychological requirements. It is critical to use a variety of treatments that teach parents how to offer autonomy support, structure, and warmth. Specifically, the use of compulsion as a means to circumvent parental oversight needs further investigation.

REFERENCES