Investigate how Ethnocultural Nationalism is Constructed within the concept of Hindu Rashtra and its implications for Social Dynamics in Contemporary India
Madhur Agrawal1*, Dr. Alim Akhtar Khan2 1 Research Scholar, University of Technology, Jaipur, Rajasthan, India
Email: madhur.pe400@gmail.com
2 Professor, Department of History, University of Technology, Jaipur, Rajasthan, India
Abstract - The three pillars of Hindutva (Hindu Ness) upon which this creative vision rests are a shared language, shared culture, and shared genealogy. This homogeneity narrative has been prevalent across all socioeconomic, cultural, and national lines for the better part of a century, despite fierce opposition. After more than 90 years of exclusivist discourse, this study seeks to delve into the Hindu Right's cultural politics, apparatuses, methodology of meaning and impact, and national character imagination. The notion of "Hindu Rashtra" has been the target of criticism from many academics and political figures who have pitted it against Islam and other religions; nonetheless, this position is unfounded and unrealistic. These kinds of thinking sprang out of the horrors that the Islamic authority of mediaeval India imposed, and they also emerged during the British period. In the nineteenth century, Hindutva arose as a political philosophy in India as a reaction to British colonization. Neo-Hinduism emerged as a reform and revivalist movement in direct defiance of British rule. The concept of a 'golden era' in Hinduism, when the Vedas were authored and transported to northern India, became crystallized during this period. While focusing on Hindu nationalism's ideological baggage and its roots, traditional etic studies overlook the movement's day-to-day operations. By tracking its lineage, we can see how its philosophies have developed and the goals and forces that drove them.
Keywords: Nationalism, Hindu Rashtra, Awareness, Nation hood, Democracy
INTRODUCTION
Hindu nationalism, the most prominent ethnocultural nationalist movement in modern India, is the phenomena at the heart of my study. A dogmatic vision of India as a Hindu country aims to replace an inclusive republic with "fuzzy communities" and fuzzier culture with this central ideological claim of Hindu nationalism. The three pillars of Hindutva (Hindu Ness) upon which this creative vision rests are a shared language, shared culture, and shared genealogy. This homogeneity narrative has been prevalent across all socioeconomic, cultural, and national lines for the better part of a century, despite fierce opposition. After more than 90 years of exclusivist discourse, this study seeks to delve into the Hindu Right's cultural politics, apparatuses, methodology of meaning and impact, and national character imagination. As a scholar steeped in the canons of English literature and criticism, I was first exposed to the concept of Hindu nationalism via the play Final Solutions by Mahesh Dattani. My favourite part of this work by Dattani, which was created in reaction to the riots that broke out in 1991 after the destruction of the Babri Masjid, was how he painstakingly reimagined the banality of prejudice via his handling of the inside/outside, or domestic/public space.
The notion of "Hindu Rashtra" has been the target of criticism from many academics and political figures who have pitted it against Islam and other religions; nonetheless, this position is unfounded and unrealistic. These kinds of thinking sprang out of the horrors that the Islamic authority of mediaeval India imposed, and they also emerged during the British period. Anyone who is born in this country and takes on some of the Hindu cultural values is considered a Hindu, as the word is quite inclusive. The Hindu struggle, says Girilal Jain, was not with Muslims but with the state and the intellectual elite, who were ensnared in the rubble that the British had dug out from beneath us before they departed. The Hindus were eager to rebuild themselves in the image of their civilization. It is unfortunate that Muslim leaders are letting themselves be exploited as proxies by those who support western ideas. This information is sourced from Jain (1994, vi). Therefore, it's not about the strict confines of any religion, but rather boundless devotion to this sacred territory. Two groups that stand out as separate but equally devoted to India are the Parsis and the Sikhs. They consider India to be their "mother land" and "punya Bhumi," the names for the place where they celebrate Holi. Christians and Muslims, for instance, do not see India as their "punya Bhoomi" (home land), but they do recognize it as their "Janmabhoomi." Even though they recognize India as their ancestral homeland, they place their faith in the Vatican and their spiritual devotion in Mecca.
'Rashtra' signifies region or country in Sanskrit, whence it is borrowed. Rashtra is defined as a political entity, area, or country according to all the facts. "Rashtravad" is a combination of the Sanskrit terms "Rashtra" meaning philosophy or ideology and "vad" meaning prayer. So, rashtravad is the idea or philosophy that elevates the nation or country to a higher status. Indian nationalism, sometimes known as Bhartiya rashtravad, emphasizes the significance of Indian sovereignty, progress, and national unity. 'Nationalism' is a philosophical framework that draws from both Western and Eastern traditions. There is a large amount of literature that covers many viewpoints on the subject. "An imagined political community—and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign" was what Benedict Anderson called it. In his thoughts on the "primordial approach", Clifford Geertz mostly agreed with Shils' viewpoint, stating that a social "given" like language, religion, or certain social activities forms the basis of a primordial attachment. When all six of Geertz's primal relationships are present, previously unorganized social groupings may be considered countries. The significance of blood links in the formation of "national identity" was established by Greetz's reference to Edward Shils's "ineffable ties of blood" (1957). This perspective was bolstered by Harold Isaac's groundbreaking book, Idols of the Tribe. Indian nationalism, on the other side, was fostered by Indian intellectuals and religious leaders.
This study is based on the work of a small number of philosophers. "Divine life on earth through spiritual evolution" was put up by Aurobindo Ghose, "spiritual nationalism rooted in the soul of ancient Indian glory" by Swami Vivekananda, and "pitrabhu, punyabhu" by V. D. Savarkar were proposed by V. D. Savarkar (Fatherland Spiritual Land). "Savarkar wrote we Hindus are a nation by ourselves because religious, racial, cultural and historical affinities bind us intimately into a homogenous nation," according to Nancy Falk's citation of Savarkar. Those numbers are from Falk (2008), pages 222-222. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar said in his 1940 book Thoughts on Pakistan that "there is a difference between nationality and nationalism," and Deen Dayal Upadhyay also proposed the concept of "Antyodaya" (welfare of the weakest). These two mental states are distinct from one another. "Consciousness of kind, awareness of the existence of that tie of kinship" is what nationality is all about. When people are "bound by this tie of kinship," it's a sign of nationalism because they want "a separate national existence." Second, knowing one's place in the world is essential to any nationalist ideology. Keep in mind, nevertheless, that the inverse is not always true (Ambedkar: 1940).
These days, people all around the globe talk about India and how its culture is deeply rooted in its old beliefs, philosophies, and dharma (not religion). Therefore, the purpose of this study is to get a comprehensive picture of the democratic and cultural nationalist realities in India at the grassroots level. The idea that a society can only achieve great functioning democracy by embracing a "non-voluntary identity" is partly based on Daniel Gabrielsson's work. "Classical nationalists support the approach of the 'accident of origin' and 'cultural markers' as non-voluntary identity," writes Gabrielsson. This, in turn, provides people a feeling of intrinsic social belonging, builds trust and solidarity, and ultimately leads to stronger democracy. Democracy benefits from majority-minority dynamics when people have similar views on what it means to be a citizen of a country. In 2021, Gabrielsson cites page 504 of his work. The concept of "Rashtra" (nation) flourished in India beginning in the Vedic era, and the country has remained culturally rich ever since. Organically united with culture, 'Dharma ‘i embodies the essence of country and nationalism.
The power of "Dharma" to transcend language, geography, and politics has the ability to bring people together. This fundamental root of nationalism has been vehemently rejected and denied. This suggests that there may be an ulterior motive behind the continued rejection of India's historical trajectories. The cultural and spiritual roots of Bharat allowed the country to flourish as a civilized nation. It is not the product of a coalition or agreement among political parties. "A common national identity helps to bind people, together despite their conflicting beliefs and interests" (Calhoun: 2007, 152) According to Craig Calhoun in Public Culture (2007), "it can acquire taste and shape according to the mood of the internal and external factors." This idea is advanced by Friedrich Nietzsche in "Geo-philosophy" 6–7. Nevertheless, Indian philosophers were steadfast in their ideological beliefs. It supports Indian nationalism, also known as Bhartiya Rashtra Vad. As they sought to further cultural nationalism in India, they combed through the Bhartiya consciousness and other treasure troves of information.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Sakib, S M Nazmuz. (2021). Academic circles will be able to conduct an in-depth examination based on hyper-mass-media facts and the objective attitude of a scholar to look down upon the qualitative research based on fascist and nationalist beliefs. The current state of Indian internal politics as it relates to fascist ideology and ideals is examined in this paper. I am deeply motivated to research and uncover the truth behind the ongoing motives of the Indian Republic, which include the recent Citizenship Act and the revocation of Article 370, as well as the spread of false propaganda, demagoguery, and a superior race mindset. I want to know if the Indian administration has truly moved towards the practical implementation of fascist rule or if there is something else at play, specifically chauvinism.
Sahgal, Gita. (2021). The origins of Hindutva, a political movement seeking Hindu majority rule, are laid forth in this article. In it, the history-rewriting Hindutva movement lays forth its foundation beliefs of Aryan dominance, the push to construct a temple on the site of Ram's purported birth, and more. Using the definition of fundamentalism put forth by Feminist Dissent, these features point to a far-right fundamentalist movement. The article concludes by detailing the violent attacks waged by Hindutva against those it perceives as 'outsiders' to its imagined India and its "re-imagining" of secularism. Hindu nationalism, nationalism as a whole, secularism.
Leidig, Eviane & Ganesh, Bharath & Bright, Jonathan. (2021). Diaspora networks have an important, albeit unseen, role in bolstering long-distance patriotism towards the "homeland" while also building nationalist myths in their home nations. This essay takes a look at the nationalist imaginaries promoted by Indian diaspora supporters of Trump and Brexit in the US and UK. It examines Indian-American and British-Indian Twitter users who spread far-right narratives about Brexit and Trump using quantitative and qualitative methods. Through the use of civic nationalist rhetoric that promotes cultural nationalism, these users address matters of extreme right-wing concern, such as Islam and Muslims as well as the left-oriented political and media establishment. As part of their role in reviving the racist nationalist fantasies of the Anglo-Western extreme right, it elucidates the digital behaviours of diaspora players.
Sinha, Geeta & Nayak, Bhabani. (2021). When it comes to India's economic and social growth, many political regimes have implemented diverse strategies. When considering the expansion of India's industrial sector, micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) are essential players. In contrast to agriculture, which requires a lot of cash, these businesses support local entrepreneurs and provide a lot of jobs. This article looks at how the Hindutva movement and its demonetization policies have affected India's micro, small, and medium-sized enterprise (MSME) sector, and it contends that it has had a negative influence. For the micro, small, and medium enterprise (MSME) sector, which comprises a large portion of the informal economy, the demonetization measures were devastating and complicated. This article looks at how demonetization hurt micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), which in turn hurt people's livelihoods and contributed to the country's collapse.
Kinnvall, Catarina. (2019). Under Narendra Modi's leadership, India has become a formidable source of ontological security in a period characterised by rising populism and insecurity. If finding a safe haven in one's imagination is what constitutes ontological security, then being narratively insecure is all about not having such a place. Article focuses on populist discourse's use of narrative identity constructs' locales, symbols, and memories, drawing on Lacanian notions of "the imaginary" as a means to fill and normalise this space gap. In particular, it delves into the nexus between populist political fantasies in India and ontological unease. By doing so, it contends that gendered reimagining’s of "nationhood," "religion," and "Hindu masculinity" have laid the groundwork for governmental policies that seek to "heal" various ontological concerns experienced by Indian society. It examines the ways in which the Modi doctrine's foreign policy discourse has evolved to support populist narratives of nativism, nationalism, and religion as ways to provide ontological security both domestically and abroad. It also delves into the ways in which ordinary practices can challenge these narratives, opening the door to alternative visions of the Indian state. The author(s) retain all rights in 2019. Taylor & Francis Group (Informa UK Limited) publishes this.
Varshney, Ashutosh. (2014). Is the future of the BJP's connection with Muslims in India uncertain? This is one of the most important concerns raised by the BJP's unexpected electoral triumph. Despite the BJP's inherent anti-Muslim bias, the party's governance in India is not going to be a carbon copy of its philosophy. Constitutional and political limitations will be important once again. There is no explicit commitment to Hindu nationalism in India's constitution. Furthermore, the political realities of India necessitate the formation of alliances across the nation's diversity if the BJP wishes to replicate its electoral triumphs. anticipate Hindu-Muslim tensions, but don't anticipate the huge riots of yesteryear to happen again.
SIMULATING A HINDU NATION
On the public-school playground, a gathering of elementary-aged kids has formed. Even though some of them are wearing loose khaki shorts—the Sangh's uniform—the majority of them are still wearing their school uniform shirts. The youngsters form rows according to their age, and the gana pramukh (group leader) gave the signal to begin the Synchronised martial display. Following this, there is a three-part dance called Dhwaj Pranam, which means "Flag Salute." In this dance, participants lift their right hands to their hearts, then bend their heads and then return to the alert stance. After a Suryanamaskar (Yoga's Sun Salutation), the teacher briefs the students on the day's activities, which will include martial arts, a game called Kashmir Kiska (Whose Kashmir), and a game called Kadi (Chain). Under the instructor's command, the Swayamsewaks (volunteers) form two lines and, leaping into a wide-legged stance, begin throwing punches into the air. After covering every possible stance, angle, action, and direction for evading, defence, and offence, the training is finished in under 10 minutes. Following a short break... the participants are split into two groups based on their age. In each group, the young Swayamsewaks stand in a circle with one faux Kashmiri standing in the centre. "Kashmir Kiska" (Whose Kashmir?) is the instructor's yell that starts the game. In response, the Swayamsewaks cry "Kashmir hamara hai" (Kashmir is ours) in unison and attempt to oust the one positioned in the middle. As they tumble and tumbling over one another, the huddle exudes a sense of exuberance, joy, and youth. The teacher will tease and provoke the student until he returns to the huddle with the favour to retake Kashmir if he is unable to maintain centre for more than a few seconds. The youths regroup and go back to fighting for Kashmir, interspersed with cries of "Bharat Mata ki jai" (Hail! Mother India)..
COLONIAL INDIA AND THE EMERGENCE OF HINDUTVA
In the nineteenth century, Hindutva arose as a political philosophy in India as a reaction to British colonisation. Neo-Hinduism emerged as a reform and revivalist movement in direct defiance of British rule. The concept of a 'golden era' in Hinduism, when the Vedas were authored and transported to northern India, became crystallised during this period. To reconstruct history in a way that emphasises the "shame" of foreign invasion, Hindutva ideologues venerate a time before the Mughal Empire and British Raj (Jaffrelot, 2007; Bhatt, 2001). 7 An attempt to establish a Hindu rashtra (or state) was the driving force behind the 1925 founding of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, or National Volunteer Organisation). According to its progenitors, the Hindu rashtra encompasses a geographical nation-state where one's ethno-religious identity is the defining characteristic for membership. After Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany came to power, Hindutva ideologues kept in touch with their European peers and shaped the RSS's strategy in the decades that followed. For example, following in the footsteps of Mussolini's fascist militia, the RSS continues to this day to operate shakhas, or branches, that recruit volunteers in local chapters (Casolari, 2000). See Casolari (2000), Goodrick-Clarke (1998), D'souza (2000), and Zachariah (2015) for a discussion of how transnational ideological and organisational linkages endured via diplomatic relations, private correspondences, newspaper editorials, radio broadcasts, intellectual networks, and book publishing. Thus, Hindutva borrowed features from European models even though it arose in a specific spatial-temporal context. Consequently, a worldwide ideological endeavours founded on an ethno-nationalism rooted in primitivism was encouraged by substantial contacts with European political arenas.
CONCLUSION
While focusing on Hindu nationalism's ideological baggage and its roots, traditional etic studies overlook the movement's day-to-day operations. By tracking its lineage, we can see how its philosophies have developed and the goals and forces that drove them. But they haven't looked at how this lineage and ideology become physical practice since they haven't actively engaged with the target demographic and the scene of active ideological action. How were millions of volunteers mobilised and an unprecedented mandate secured in the general elections by an ostensibly fringe organisation with an ideology that seems incongruous with the spirit of a multicultural country? An epistemology of the body provides the foundation for the responses to such issues. The RSS has successfully conditioned its members to fully embrace its ideology, goals, and hierarchy, notwithstanding some small internal conflicts. An intricate physical culture is used to promote this skill. According to one participant at a 2016 Goa event, "India is Sangh, Sangh is India," meaning that the shakhas represent a microcosm of the organisation and the country as a whole. The Sangh's "kinship" structure is inculcated in the Swayamsewaks, who then come to identify with the Sangh's mandated concepts of Hindu, Hindustan, and Hindutva as their own sense of self, nation, and citizenship. A deictic ethnic national identity is created, remembered, and performed by the repetitive logic of the body, which is integral to the Hindu nationalist imagination.
Consequently, Western nationalism's objectives have evolved over time to address shifting religious, racial, linguistic, cultural, economic, and philosophical landscapes. The aforementioned goal of identity-based claims was further advanced by using this as a catalyst. Wars, conquests, civil disturbances, ethnic conflicts, political revolutions, and scientific-philosophical revolutions all emerged as manifestations of Western nationalism, which sought to challenge the established religious and political order. In contrast to the contemporary state construction and enlightenment that gave rise to Western nationalism, spirituality danced to the beat of Indian nationalism's evolution beyond the simple quest of political power. It is an impassioned call to reawaken and nurture a national identity that values the symbiotic relationship between all living things and the cosmic dance of creation. Quite the opposite! As we delve into the annals of Indian history, we discover the remarkable resilience and uniqueness of Indian nationalism, which is deeply ingrained in its cultural and spiritual heritage. Unlike its Western equivalents, Indian nationalism is bolstered by an abundance of customs, intellectual concepts, and a steadfast connection to the country. Despite several invasions and cultural influences from outside, Indian nationalism has persisted through the ages. Such tenacity betrays an enduring connection and shared identity that has no bounds in terms of race, creed, or nationality. 59 Nationalism in India, therefore, is not a recent phenomenon but rather has long historical roots.
REFERENCE
- Varshney, Ashutosh. (2014). India's Watershed Vote: Hindu Nationalism in Power? Journal of Democracy. 25. 34-45. 10.1353/jod.2014.0071.
- Sakib, S M Nazmuz. (2021). Sprouting Fascsim or Nationalism in India. 10.33774/apsa-2021-wbn4w.
- Sahgal, Gita. (2021). Hindutva Past and Present: From Secular Democracy to Hindu Rashtra. Feminist Dissent. 19-49. 10.31273/fd.n5.2020.757.
- Kinnvall, Catarina. (2019). Populism, ontological insecurity and Hindutva: Modi and the masculinization of Indian politics. Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 32. 1-20. 10.1080/09557571.2019.1588851.
- Leidig, Eviane & Ganesh, Bharath & Bright, Jonathan. (2021). New forms of cultural nationalism? American and British Indians in the Trump and Brexit Twittersphere. Nations and Nationalism. 28. 10.1111/nana.12781.
- Sinha, Geeta & Nayak, Bhabani. (2021). Rise of Hindutva Politics, Demonetisation, and Its Impact on Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in India. 10.5772/intechopen.94310.