An Analysis of the Influence of Patriarchy on Women's Political Engagement
 
Swechaa Siingh*
PhD, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi, India
CEO, Janpad Panchayat, PRD, CG Government.
Email:  swechhasingh@gmail.com
Abstract- India has recently focused on women's political participation for gender equality and democracy. Patriarchy upholds a biassed perspective on the role of women in society. These roles have been possible due to the evolution of the binary discourse of the public (for men) & private (for women) realms, with the latter ostensibly relegating women to the house. Near the end of the twentieth century, democratic movements all around the world gained steam, and globalisation sped up. Consequently, women's movements to dismantle patriarchy through increased representation in political decision-making accelerated. Women's political engagement is on the rise worldwide, the rate & quality of this development differ between nations. The purpose of this study is to explain why women's political responsibilities & involvement are typically undervalued compared to men's, even though women encounter few legal barriers to participating at all levels of political processes. This study uses the development of three structural categories to answer the issue of how patriarchy actually hinders women's involvement in politics.
Keywords- Women's, Women’s Participation, Political, Patriarchy, Governance, Gender
INTRODUCTION
The patriarchal societal structures & mindsets that have long defined India's past have contributed to the subjugation & exploitation of women. The advancement and empowerment of women was a goal of social reform movements that began in the nineteenth century and was ultimately achieved. From the swadeshi movement in Bengal (1905-08) forward, women played an integral role in the Indian liberation struggle, organising political rallies, gathering resources, and even holding leadership roles. The Constitution of independent India ensured that men & women would enjoy equal rights in the country's political, social, & economic arenas. Equal protection under the law is guaranteed to all citizens under Part III of the Constitution. By guaranteeing decent working conditions, fair pay for equal effort, and maternity leave, the Directive Principles of State Policy benefit women economically. Lok Sabha & state legislative assembly elections are open to any Indian citizen who is 25 or older and has registered to vote; the Rajya Sabha upper house elections need a voter to be 30 years old. Equal voting rights and political equality are guaranteed under Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution.
Parliament & legislative assemblies are required by constitution to set aside quotas for members of certain castes and tribes. In the process of writing the Constitution, a notion to establish a comparable reserved quota for women was rejected. Several prominent Indian women's groups & Congress, the country's governing party, were against it because they believed women should have the same voting rights as men. Afterwards, in 1974, the topic of women's reservation of seats was once again brought to the forefront by the report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, which pushed for greater participation of women in political institutions.
Afterwards, in 1992, women were allocated one-third of the total seats in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and municipal authorities by the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution. To increase women's representation in local decision-making, the change was proposed. Despite several attempts since 1997 to introduce legislation guaranteeing a certain percentage of legislative & executive positions to women, no such law has been enacted.
On the other hand, India has made great strides in promoting women's empowerment in other areas, like marriage and the workplace. For instance, in Hindu households, females now have the same inheritance rights as sons since the Supreme Court recognised their equal position as coparceners. Additionally, it has concluded that "women officers in the army should be allowed permanent commission & control postings in all services other than combat, and they have to be evaluated for it irrespective of their service length." The legal marriage age for females was recently increased from 18 to 21.
WOMEN IN POLITICS
The patriarchal societal structures &There are a total of seven national parties in India's multi-party system, as confirmed by the country's electoral commission. In terms of membership, the three largest political parties in India are the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Communist Party of India (CPI), & Indian National Congress (INC). Due to growing competition in the system, political parties in India have ramped up their appeal to female voters. Consequently, inside the frameworks of the main political parties, women's wings have materialised. Two affiliates of the Indian Communist Party exist: the Indian Women's National Federation and the Congress of All India. The women's wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party is called Mahila Morcha, while the women's section of the Indian National Congress is called Mahila Congress.
There is a correlation between the growth in support for gender equality and the number of women joining political parties. With the help of women's engagement, the INC was able to regain power in the nation in 2004. One way the INC has helped get more women involved is by pushing for a quota of 33 percent for women in political office. The first female president of India, Pratibha Patil, was nominated in July 2007 by the Indian National Congress (INC), & first female speaker of the Lok Sabha, Meira Kumar, was nominated in June 2009. There has always been a strong presence of women in the Bharatiya Janata Party's hierarchy. In an effort to diversify its leadership ranks, the party has established a 33% reserve for women in party leadership roles, sponsored female candidates, and launched women's leadership seminars. The Bahá'í Faith (BJP) was able to win over Indian women voters by emphasising policies like the Uniform Civil Code, which the party says would guarantee religious freedom for all citizens. They are also worried about how Indian women are being treated. In an effort to reduce gender imbalance, the National Federation of Indian Women—the Communist Party of India's women's wing—has launched a campaign to address the issue of violence. Throughout the 1990s, the percentage of women who were members of political parties was low, at about 10-12%. Furthermore, female Indian citizens have organised into political organisations. The United Women's Front has been fighting for gender parity in parliament since its founding in 2007. The number of national parties led by women is four. Female candidates made up just 4.3% of the total and were absent from 70% of electoral campaigns between 1980 & 1970. In 2019, women constituted 14% of the Lok Sabha and 12.6% of the Rajya Sabha. (Nelasco, Shobana 2010).
WOMEN AS POLITICAL WORKERS
The patriarchal societal structures &"Political engagement" may mean many different things to different people. Rights to vote, political engagement, political consciousness, and other related ideas are included. In India, women outnumber males when it comes to registering to vote and grassroots political party involvement. Political engagement & voting are the two pillars upon which women's political involvement rests. The government of India instituted quota systems for municipal council seats to rectify the gender gap in political representation. According to Bhalla (2016), Panchayat and municipal seats increased by 33.3% as a result of the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution. Municipalities & Panchayats have now welcomed millions of women.
In terms of women's representation in Parliament, however, India ranks twenty places worse than the lowest at the upper level. There have been female heads of state in many Indian states, as well as presidents & prime ministers. Women in India have been able to vote for and serve in parliament& state legislatures since the early 1900s. Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) research shows that women's involvement in politics has grown over the past 30 years. This includes things like going to rallies, canvassing, distributing flyers, and collecting donations. But participation in such activities is still quite low generally. What this means is that there are a lot of institutional & structural barriers that prevent women from fully participating in all aspects of electoral politics, even though their political mobilisation as voters has grown thanks to more education, political awareness, & public exposure.
POLICIES AND INITIATIVES FOR THE EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN
Women's political engagement is essential to democracy & equality. By setting aside 33% of the seats in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies for women, the Women's Reservation Bill (WRA) aims to guarantee that women are represented in decision-making. The bill's lengthy parliamentary delay is evidence of the challenges in enforcing such reservations. In addition to WRA & reservations, several nations have found success with voluntary quotas in empowering women in political parties & discourse. The necessity for political action to increase women's engagement can be better ascertained by looking at their degree of involvement at the local level. It is critical to track women's political engagement to identify where policies and programs are falling short in empowering women. Thanks to gender-based quotas in government, many women in India hold positions of power at the municipal level. Equally deserving of praise is the unwavering strength and integrity displayed by women throughout the independence movement. Nevertheless, women's representation in Indian politics remains low, with just 11% of Lok Sabha seats going to women and 10.6% to women in the Rajya Sabha, notwithstanding these endeavours. Furthermore, for more than ten years, the Women's Reservation Bill (WRA) has lingered in Parliament without a vote. This bill aims to guarantee that 33% of the Lok Sabha and state assembly seats are reserved for women. The judicial and police forces likewise have a severe lack of female representation, with just 9.04% of judges and 5.33% of police officers being female. In conclusion, women in Indian politics remain under-represented despite several policy & initiative efforts to change it. In order to achieve gender parity in all spheres of society, including politics & economy, more deliberate and gender-sensitive policymaking is required.
WOMEN LOCAL POLITICS PARTICIPATION SUCCESS
At the regional level, India's towns & cities have municipal corporations, while rural regions have PRIs, making up the third tier of administration. With the goal of creating "new opportunities for local level planning, efficient execution  evaluation of various social and economic development programs in the country," the 73rd & 74th constitutional amendments were proposed in 1992. I The stipulation that women be guaranteed one-third of the total seats in local body elections was an innovative & crucial part of these revisions. According to research, the program resulted in an unprecedented surge in women's involvement in municipal politics. In the time after, 20% of India's 28 states increased their reservation ratio to 50%.
The problem of "proxy representation," in which male relatives "controlled" female elected officials, has also diminished. Either government or non-government organisations (NGOs) have run several grassroots leadership training sessions and skill development programs for women, which have helped elected women political leaders function better.
INDIA'S PATRIARCHAL NATURE
The word "patriarchy," meaning "father's reign" in English, originally used in the 17th century to describe a "male-dominated household," like the enormous mansion of a patriarch. Those under his supervision included females, younger men, children, slaves, & housekeepers. "to relate to male domination, to the power relations by which men dominate women, and to characterise a system whereby women remain subordinate in a number of ways" is its current more popular usage. A patriarchal society is one in which men have all the power, both in public & private spheres. Feminists frequently use the term "patriarchy" to describe the male-dominated power structure. Therefore, patriarchy is more than just a word; it is an idea that feminists employ to better understand women's experience; and all notions are tools.
Socialism & patriarchy debates in India have become more complicated due to a major paradigm change. Not only that, but patriarchy & capitalism were also discussed and studied. Because patriarchy maintains that males are inherently better to women, it forces women to be submissive and obedient to men in every part of their lives. That being said, males are supreme in every sphere of society, including the home, community, & state. Patriarchy is to blame for the systematic denial of women's rights and chances. In addition to limiting women's freedom of movement & property ownership, patriarchal ideals also undermine women's agency.
In most nations, women are subject to dominance rule, which entails a lower status & limited access to resources & decision-making. Consequently, "subordination" refers to the diminished status of women in comparison to males. Among the factors that lead to women's subordination are feelings of helplessness, prejudice, poor self-esteem, & uncertainty. Finally, when women are subordinated, it means that males are in control. Discussions on the evolution and function of the modern state sometimes veered off course in debates over capitalism and the subordination of women. Consequently, theories about the patriarchal and its possible opponents emerged. A large body of research lends credence to this assertion. The ideology that controls public policy on women is directly responsible for women's invisible status and their position in the social, political, & economic systems. Consequently, discussions about development hardly ever include women.
POLITICS AS A PATRIARCHAL INSTITUTION
Women, according to the argument, "are seldom considered to be political actors but rather as pawns to be utilised by the political manoeuvres of men" (Collier, 1974). Because of the patriarchal character of politics, where "men are considered bearers of the culturally legitimated authority" (Rosaldo, 1974), women are mostly left out of the global political arena as compared to males. The data on men's political engagement reflects the male-dominated paradigm of politics. Worldwide, men make up more than 70% of parliament seats, according to 2019 data published by UN Women. Out of the 193 heads of state, 181 are males, while 80% of ministers are male. According to Chuki and Turner (2017), the world's political paradigm has been shaped by the hegemonic presence of males and is characterised by male dominance, identification, & centring. Patriarchy confines women to domestic roles as mothers & wives through the employment of "the gender role ideology as an ideological tool" (Bari, 2005). The allocation of responsibilities among the small number of women who have achieved membership in the political elites is another manifestation of the patriarchal paradigm and gender role ideology in politics. "Social affairs, family, children, youth, elderly, disabled, environment, Natural Resources, Energy, Women's Affairs or Gender Equality" are among the most pressing concerns of women ministers, according to data from the 2019 UN Women Report. Within a patriarchal society, these are the problems that women have historically been associated with. But there are surprisingly few women holding traditionally male-dominated political roles, such as those in the realms of international relations, defence, economics, and justice.
Patriarchy has long seen women as belonging to the private sphere, and so does not welcome them in the public sphere, such as politics (Ackelsberg and Shanley, 2018), returning to Walby's distinction between the two. This is why the global political system has always been structured in a way that excludes women, as it was created by men for men. The male-dominated structure of political parties, especially in democracies, is one of the primary ways patriarchy establishes its dominance in politics. Parliaments and other high-ranking political posts are guarded by parties. Idealistically, “parliament is a symbol of democracy; therefore it should not disregard, limit or execute discrimination against men and women” (Palmieri, 2011). Therefore, the number of women in political parties is significantly related to the number of women in parliaments or cabinet positions. The United Nations General Assembly "strongly encourages political parties to remove all barriers that directly or indirectly discriminate against the participation of women," according to resolution 66/130 issued in 2012 on women's political involvement.
On the other hand, despite these suggestions, women still face discrimination and marginalisation within political parties. One example is the high registration fees that candidates must pay, which "many women are unable to afford due to their unequal political or socio-economic power vis-à-vis men" (OSCE ODIHR, 2014). This is why, according to research by Barnes and Cassese (2017), women tend to link systemic discrimination against them to inequality. Ultimately, women have been marginalised in decision-making processes and party structures due to these discriminations, which have favoured men's perspectives and objectives.
But it's worth noting that the philosophy and internal structure of the party also have a significant role in deciding how many women are represented. According to research by Golder et al. (2017), compared to systems with one member per district, countries with proportional representation party systems have over twice as many female MPs. This is thought to be caused by the fact that in proportional representation parties, party elites can respond to calls for more representation by increasing the number of qualified female candidates (Tremblay, 2019). Other parties, civic society, or even voters themselves can exert this kind of pressure.
Nominating women for higher-level political positions is another critical consideration when thinking about women's political engagement. The assumption is that women have a lower likelihood of holding states in national politics, such as cabinet posts and parliament, compared to local levels. At first glance, women's increased representation in municipal decision-making roles may seem like a positive trend towards greater political engagement on the part of women. However, a deeper examination of the causes reveals the opposite. "Because they fit easier their family responsibilities with work requirements in the local governments, and because there is less competition in local government elections," is the reasoning given for the disproportionate number of women in local politics (IKNOW, 2007). For all these reasons, it's hard to shake the feeling that politics is fundamentally a patriarchal system where the advancement of women is bound up with traditional gender roles. According to its long-standing system of gender-biased division of labour, the patriarchal model of politics often acknowledges women's career ladder. This is why creating female-focused groups has only served to further exclude women from political leadership roles. This has further marginalised women and highlighted the need to treat them differently rather than incorporate them into the political system as it is.
The ideology of the parties is another major barrier to women's successful political engagement. The parties' actions towards women's representation differ according to the political spectrum to which they belong. Patriarchal beliefs towards women have long been associated with conservative & right-wing parties, and this is most obviously seen by the very small number of women nominated to positions of power within these groups. A more conservative religious attitude about gender has also developed in recent times. According to Güneş-Ayat and Doğangün (2017), the rethinking of motherhood, family, and religion in relation to tradition, custom, and practice is the foundation of this gender environment. Patriarchal ideals are reinforced by the new gender environment, which further isolates women from politics.
Liberal & socialist groups, in contrast, think more broadly about women since they "have long been seen as encouraging women into politics, women's representation as nominees & elected officials" (Morgan 2018). But it's also crucial to remember that just because more women are joining a political party doesn't mean they'll automatically be better represented in leadership roles at the state and federal levels. The "marginal seat syndrome" is a tactic used by many political groups to give the impression of being gender friendly and sympathetic while really maintaining patriarchal power & status quo. "Field women candidates in constituencies where they are less likely to succeed" (Palmieri, 2011) is what happend in this instance. But when it comes to gender equality, political parties "are seen as less transparent than parliaments in the sense of having institutionalised rules fair to all" (p. 75), according to Palmieri (2011), even when their positions on other socio-political problems could differ. In response to these challenges, political parties primarily used two tactics—the "quota structure (mandated percentages of women) or target system (recommended percentages of women)"—to boost women's political engagement & influence (Caul, 1999). These institutions and programs are designed to "make sure that women make up at least a critical minority of 30 or 40%" in parliaments, according to the Quota Project (2009).
However, there are a number of less obvious ways in which the patriarchal framework of politics forces women who wish to join politics to do so, such as working hours that are often not conducive to family life. Because of this, it is especially challenging for women to focus on their careers, as they are historically (according to patriarchal standards) expected to be the main decision-makers in the home. When compared to males, women often bear a disproportionate share of the hardship associated with irregular work schedules, such as those that occur late at night or that conflict with school or public holidays.
Companies for mothers have become increasingly hostile due to the patriarchal nature of politics. Almost every government agency, legislature, and state office lacks the necessary facilities to accommodate women, particularly new moms and those who choose to nurse their children. The patriarchal status quo maintains its grip on power through subtle and unofficial means, such as "gendered rituals in the daily operation of party bodies; super-surveillance of women's performance; gendered informal sanctions; informal networking; and utilises of time" (Verge 2014). The patriarchal nature of politics has exacerbated the problem of women juggling job and home responsibilities.
STRUCTURE OF THE PATRIARCHAL SOCIO-ECONOMIC
Women also face significant challenges in effectively participating in politics due to the patriarchal socioeconomic structure of the globe today. More women are joining the workforce and having better job prospects because of "increases in education," according to research (Heath and Jayachandran, 2016). It is believed that women will be more active in politics if their rates of non-home employment are greater and if they have higher levels of education. Researchers Courage Mlambo (2019) found that women's socioeconomic status is the primary factor limiting their ability to actively participate in politics, thus highlighting the importance of women's socioeconomic backgrounds on their political engagement. Patriarchy relies on education as a cornerstone to sustain its dominance in society. The educational system in patriarchal nations is skewed towards males and away from girls. "Women with higher education have more interest in politics and a somewhat higher level of engagement with politics than women with less education" (Lovenduski and Hills, 2018; 110), which is supported by the current literature, which indicates that women's political participation is positively correlated with their education level. "States would do well to increase education opportunities for female citizens in order to increase female representation" (Leigh, 2008). In turn, this will assist women in dispelling the myth that they aren't qualified to hold positions of power.
Improving and expanding women's access to higher education became a pressing social and economic concern in the 1970s, when social movements were taking the stage in Western nations. According to Nechemias's (1987) research, "for every 1% increase in the proportion of the population with a college education, the proportion of seats held by women increased by 0.5% in 1963-1964 but by more than 1% in 1983-1984" (p.134), pointing to a positive correlation between education & women's actual participation in politics. Simon and Palmer (2016) evaluated the similar association between education & women's political engagement over the period 1972 to 2014. Examining the challenges that women face on the path to political involvement should also take their labour force participation into account. Many methods exist in which women's involvement in the workforce has been hindered by the patriarchal structure of that sector. Thornton (2019) cites statistics showing that women only make up around 30% of top executive positions worldwide. "Wage labour increases the status of women, which influences women's effectiveness in garnering power in other realms of society, including politics" (Iversen and Rosenbluth, 2008; 5), according to experts who have studied the gender gap in the workforce. Continuing with this line of thinking, Rosenbluth et al. (2006) state that the rapid growth of occupations in the public sector would "create a group of female voters with distinct political interests" if more women were to work outside the home.
Political parties will start to see this demographic as a voting bloc, and as a result, they will bend over herself to meet their demands, such as increasing the number of women nominated for legislative roles. Because political campaigns are "increasingly costly & lack of economic resources is one of the biggest obstacles to winning an electoral race" (Palmieri, 2011), women have been unable to obtain sufficient financial resources due to the gendered division of labour. The patriarchal society's perspective on women has been significantly challenged by the present surge in their labour market participation. As a result of factors such as falling fertility rates, increasing urbanisation, and women's higher educational attainment and employment rates, patriarchal traditions, values, and norms are being called into question by women. A larger number of women are now in a position "to start an effective interest group demanding greater representation & influence in decision making" due to the rise in women's socioeconomic status (Shvedova, 2005). Therefore, more women would be able to compete with males in the patriarchal political framework if they had access to stronger financial resources, a higher education, and management skills gained through working.
PATRIARCHAL CULTURAL CONCEPT
An awareness of the responsibilities of men and women is the first step in the process of allocating work to certain groups of people. This is in line with what Durkheim said (Rokhmad & Susilo, 2017): "The division of labour is initiated by individual transformations brought about by the socialisation process and internalised by individuals in the environment in which they are raised." According to Durkheim's assertion in Abbas, this is correct. Society will undoubtedly come to accept the idea that some professions are better suited to males as a result of the division of labour as envisioned above; this view unfairly attributes women's inadequacies to their perceived incapacity to carry out specific duties. Consequently, women are characterised as weak, delicate, and helpless, which reinforces the establishment of patriarchal culture.
There is a strong correlation between the patriarchal cultural framework and the exclusion of women from political participation. To paraphrase Inglehart and Norris (2003), "women are not only limited by society in respect to the opportunities they seek, but also choose to limit themselves" in nations where patriarchal and traditional beliefs are more strongly held. As a result of internalising patriarchy and restricting themselves, many women now believe that women should not be involved in politics or even have the ability to be successful public speakers (Gouws and Coetzee, 2019). Many women feel sensitive about their place as women in the politically patriarchal field because of the pervasiveness of such an image.
Because of this protective stance, women lack the competence and self-assurance to be effective political participants. Scandinavian nations and those with a less patriarchal social structure and more egalitarian ideals tend to support women holding political office. The Middle Eastern nations and those with more patriarchal social systems rank worst, according to statistics, whereas "women in the Nordic countries represent, on average, over 40 per cent of their legislatures" (Palmieri, 2011). Women have always been completely barred from holding any kind of political office in nations like Saudi Arabia and Qatar. All of the aforementioned instances show how societal cultural norms significantly affect women's ability to participate in politics. Cultural values and traditions play a pivotal role in deciding the extent to which women participate in politics, according to Hughes and Paxton (2019) in their study of women's progressive status in Nordic countries and Merrill (2017) in his study of women's low political engagement in Islamic societies. According to Shvedova (2005), "traditional cultural values militate against the advancement, progress & participation of women in any political process" in nations that are more patriarchal. Traditional patriarchal norms have allowed women to be confined to the home and its confines. True women, according to traditional cultural systems, should exhibit "religious piety, sexual purity, wifely submissiveness, and content with her domestic seclusion" (Jackson, 2007). Even if there were no institutional or legal obstacles to women's engagement in social and political activities, such definitions and customary roles would still prevent them from doing so.
A patriarchal culture is one in which males hold all the power and women are subservient. The capacity of males to assume the responsibilities and earn the wages of women was the central emphasis of patriarchal society prior to its infiltration into the home (Kalunta-Crumpton, 2015). According to (Muniarti, 2004), a patriarchal culture is one in which men have the power to dictate social norms and behaviours. Such a system is deemed legitimate as the rationale is identical to that of sex-based rather than gender-based labour divisions. Also, as Murniati showed, some people think power governs and dominates other people, and this belief culture may be passed down through generations. In its most pervasive manifestations, patriarchy establishes a social order in which males enjoy unequal authority and privilege relative to women.

OBSTACLES WOMEN PARTICIPATING
Lack of education & experience is a major obstacle for women seeking political power. Because they can't understand it, they don't know enough about their basic and political rights. When it comes to handing out seats in elections, political parties might be prejudiced. As mentioned earlier, patriarchal society is another element that hinders women's political engagement in India. Women are less likely to participate in politics due to a number of reasons. Some of these traits include a domain designation that divides the public or private sectors, a value system that is dominated by males, and the fact that governmental institutions are largely male-dominated. Women in India have a hard time building their political base due to the lack of representation they have inside the country's internal party structure. There is a lack of sufficient funding for women's electoral engagement by political parties. Traditional responsibilities placed on women have greatly limited their capacity to engage in political life. Additional obstacles include unequal distribution of resources, inadequate financing, inadequate education, and limited opportunities for political education.( Nelasco 2013)
One of the biggest obstacles to women running for office is fighting poverty. Another fact is that women are more likely to drop out of school than males. As a result of cultural and social norms, women now see themselves as having a lesser status than males. This is due to the fact that this viewpoint has enjoyed widespread support for quite some time. While it's encouraging to see more women completing secondary education, males are more often encouraged to continue their education after elementary school. This is despite the fact that the literacy rate among women is on the rise. The prevailing caste or class system in society is another obstacle that requires rigorous examination. The majority of women from lower castes cannot afford to continue their education beyond high school. Many women choose for lower-paying jobs so they can provide for their family. The majority of Indian women do not have the legal right to inherit or possess property. They hardly chip in here and there with their parents' business.
Women in India suffer from both a lack of political will and an ignorance of their constitutionally guaranteed rights. The general poor health of the female population is another barrier to women's full involvement in society. There is a disparity in the availability of healthcare in our nation. Prenatally, a person may experience gender bias in healthcare. The predilection for males leads to the abortion of most female foetuses. Women also earn less than males due to cultural norms & dowry system.
CONCLUSION
The article has also investigated the patriarchy influences these macro-level factors that discourage women from running for office. We examined patriarchal education, conventional gender roles in the workplace, the gendered division of labour, or women's limited access to capital as part of our study. Despite numerous societies' efforts to recognise women's political participation—through measures like universal suffrage or the removal of discriminatory legal barriers—the patriarchal structure of politics, socio-economy, and culture nevertheless hinders women's effective participation in politics. To increase women's representation in political decision-making, it is essential to challenge the existing patriarchal system in relation to the macro-level concerns addressed in this study.
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