An Analysis on
Political Mobilization and Identity Politics of OBC in Karnataka Region
Prakash Ambali1*, Dr. Sangeeta2
1 Research Scholar, Sunrise University, Alwar, Rajasthan, India
prakashambali123@gmail.com
2 Professor, Department of Political
Science, Sunrise University, Alwar, Rajasthan, India
Abstract: The term "political mobilization" refers to
the steps used to get people to take a stand on a particular political issue.
Each country's youth, including those who were unhappy with autocratic regimes
and wanted more democratic leadership, formed a separate organization. Members
of unions, who were also a distinct category, were under continual attack in
these nations. The younger generation and union members who are fighting for
political representation and identity recognition are both seen as part of the
movement to bring about change within the context of this conversation. Major
consequences for political science are associated with political identity,
which stands for people's core values, objectives, and ambitions. Furthermore,
while assessing the factors that lead to conflicts, it is crucial to consider
this element. With a politically homogenous population, it could be simpler to
pass laws and enact policies that reflect the values held by the people living
in that state. They were able to use their neighborhood connections to their
political advantage. They also did a lot of door-to-door canvassing and
recruited neighbors to join their political parties. Their enthusiasm for
democratic philosophy and political politics was evident. When it came to
protecting their communities' interests, they trusted their political parties.
Minority political figures are rising to prominence in the Hyderabad Karnataka
Region. The OBCs in the Hyderabad, Karnataka region were politically mobilized
due to the influence of previous community leaders.
Keywords: Political,
mobilization, politics, OBC, Karnataka, region
INTRODUCTION
Political Mobilization
Political
mobilization may be defined as the process of coordinating efforts to inspire
communities to take a stand on a particular political issue. Blyth (2013)
claims that there have been several cases when people's political affiliation
has resulted in their mobilization for political causes. Also included are
other instances.
One event that
occurred during this time was the Arab Spring, a series of protests against
repressive regimes in several Middle Eastern states that began in 2010.
Protests, which occasionally became violent, occurred in a number of countries,
including Yemen, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, and the
UAE. Protests were also staged in Yemen and other nations. By and large, the
demonstrators belonged to one of two broad gender groupings. Each country's
youth, including those who were unhappy with autocratic regimes and wanted more
democratic leadership, formed a separate organization. Members of unions, who
were also a distinct category, were under continual attack in these nations.
The younger generation and union members who are fighting for political
representation and identity recognition are both seen as part of the movement
to bring about change within the context of this conversation. Among the most
important takeaways from the Arab Spring was the realization that regime change
was more likely to occur in countries without oil or extremely rich in oil than
to those with oil. Of all the discoveries discovered throughout the war, this
was among the most crucial. Despite the formal conclusion of the Arab Spring in
2012 and the fact that conflict is still going on in each of these states, this
remains the case.
One such
occurrence that occurred very recently is the assault on the United States
Capitol on January 6, 2021. Attended by an estimated 2,000 to 2,500
individuals, this event was held in America. At the time, President Donald
Trump was in office, and the attendance were all his fans. Joseph Biden was
elected president in 2020 despite efforts to alter the outcome of the election.
The attack occurred at the nation's capital, the Capitol Building, with the aim
of nullifying those outcomes. Protest organizers and instigators included some
Trump backers associated with a Republican fringe that contended in 2020 that
the presidential election had been impacted by massive electoral fraud and
corruption. They also had to take responsibility for organizing their own
activities. Van der Brug et al. (2007) states that the demonstrators' ability
to storm the Capitol was due to their ability to rally behind a common
political cause.
Identity Politics
Movement mobilization, electorate mobilization, e-mail demonstrations,
transnational collaboration, and migrant networks are all impacted by identity
politics, which might be based on ethnic or religious affiliation, cultural
habits, or nationality. Identity politics like this are gaining traction. The
current political climate is characterized by the selection of presidents based
on religious or ethnic affiliation, the justification of wars as means of
achieving religious or ethnic "cleansing," and the formation of
transnational collaborations between players based on shared religious or
ethnic "people." These events have transpired because religious presidential
candidates have pledged to "heal" nations politically and
spiritually. Psimitis (2011) defines "identity politics" as the
process by which culturally-based social movements (whether ethnic, religious,
gender-related, or otherwise) engage in transnational relations and politics to
broaden their claims to identity. One term for this tactic is "identity
politics."."
OBJECTIVES
RESEARCH METHOD
The research
technique that is being suggested for this study is a mix of historical,
descriptive, analytical, and empirical approaches. This research draws from
previous works that have examined the cultural, social, and religious movements
of OBCs in Karnataka and Hyderabad in particular. This research makes use of
data collected from a variety of primary and secondary sources. A mix of
structured and open-ended questions concerning the demographics, functions, and
dynamics of the state's OBC leadership were used to gather primary data from
the interviewees. To the best of our ability, we interviewed OBC leaders from
every district in the Hyderabad, Karnataka areas. In order to ensure that the
data collected is representative and comparable, a sample of respondents was
selected from among the elected and non-elected OBC leaders in the Hyderabad
Karnataka area. The districts of Gulbarga, Yadgir, Koppal, and Raichur as well
as their chief electoral commissioner's offices also contribute to the data
set. This research aimed to gather data from a cross-section of the Hyderabad
Karnataka area, including elected and nominated officials, members of statutory
organizations at the block and village levels, and other leaders from the OBC
community. The participants included members of parliament, local committees,
and assembly members.
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Members of parliament and other
elected officials from the Hyderabad-Karnataka region's OBC groups were
surveyed. To make the data more representative and comparable, we used samples
of both elected and non-elected OBC leaders in the Hyderabad-Karnataka area as
respondents. This research has chosen a number of elected and nominated
representatives from the districts of the Hyderabad-Karnataka area, including
members of the block and village level statutory organizations, as well as
other leaders from the OBC community.
An analysis was conducted on the
data, which was then tabulated. A percentage test was then employed to see
whether there was a correlation between the level of OBC leadership and its
influence on politics in Karnataka and, more specifically, in Hyderabad. There
were 200 OBC leaders in the sample, and their socio-religious origins
influenced their views and behavior patterns, which shaped how others saw them
and what they did. The religious practices of members also have a significant
impact in the socio-political actions of members in any nation, as do marital
status and age, which represent experience accumulated over a period of time.
Age determines attitude and other factors. The following tables display the
data acquired from the survey in this study, which pertains to the respondents'
ages, religions, educational backgrounds, and marital status.
Table 1. Sampling of respondents.
|
District |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Bidar |
51 |
25.50 |
|
Gulbarga |
62 |
31.00 |
|
Raichur |
45 |
22.50 |
|
Yadgir |
42 |
21.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100% |
In the table above, you can see the
samples that were taken from the chosen districts. The sample was taken from
the districts listed in Table 1, which shows that a total of 51 samples (25.5%)
were gathered from the Bidar district, 62 samples (31% of the total) from the
Gulbarga district, and 45 samples (22.5%) from the Raichur district.
Table 2. Age of
respondents
|
Age |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Less than 25
years |
30 |
15.00 |
|
26 to 35 years |
63 |
31.50 |
|
36 to 45 years |
65 |
32.50 |
|
46 to 60 years or above |
42 |
21.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.0 |
Table 2 shows that out of the total
number of respondents, 30 (15%) were under the age of 25, 63 (31.5%) were
between the ages of 26 and 35, 65 (32.5%) were between the ages of 36 and 45,
and 42 (21%) were between the ages of 46 and 60 or older. The bulk of the
participants in this study were in their mid-to late-thirties, according to the
statistics.
Table 3 Reasons for joining Politics.
|
Reasons |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Serve general public |
65 |
32.50 |
|
Suffering of the community |
71 |
35.50 |
|
Influence of Community
leaders |
43 |
21.50 |
|
Personal ambitions |
21 |
10.50 |
|
Other reasons |
00 |
00.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
As can be seen from table 3, the
following reasons were given for entering politics: 65 (32.5%) wanted to serve
the public, 71 (35.5%) wanted to alleviate community suffering, 43 (21.5%)
wanted to be influenced by community leaders, and 21 (10.50%) wanted to pursue
personal ambitions. The majority of responders, according to the data analysis,
got into politics because they wanted to alleviate the suffering in their
community or help the wider public.
Table 4: Election types in which the respondents had
participated.
|
Type |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
MP |
2 |
01.00 |
|
MLA/MLC |
35 |
17.50 |
|
ZP |
81 |
40.50 |
|
TP |
52 |
26.00 |
|
GP |
30 |
15.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
Based on the data in table 4, it is
clear that out of 200 respondents who participated in elections at different
levels, 2 (1%) had run for MP, 35 (17.50%) for MLA/MLC, 81 (40.50%) for ZP, 52
(26%) for TP, and 30 (15%) for GP. The majority of respondents (42, or 21%) had
run for office in the Yadagir district, whereas the majority (55, or 80%) had
run for office in the Below ZP level of elections district. Below, in graph 1,
you can see the data mentioned before.
Table 5: Causes that inspired respondents to run for
office
|
Factor |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Members of own caste |
61 |
30.50 |
|
Members of family |
41 |
20.50 |
|
Friends |
39 |
19.50 |
|
Self-initiative |
29 |
14.50 |
|
Political parties |
30 |
15.00 |
|
Any other |
00 |
00.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
According to the data in table 5, 61 respondents
(30.5%) were motivated to run for office by members of their own caste, 41
(20.5%) by family members, 39 (19.5%) by friends, and 29 (14.5%) by themselves.
on the other hand, 30 people (15%) said that political parties were the reason
they ran for office. According to the findings, 61 out of 41 respondents were
driven to run for office by members of their own caste or family.
Table 6: The
Political Importance of One's Community Background
|
Significance |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Advantageous |
119 |
58.50 |
|
Obstacle |
35 |
17.50 |
|
Can’t Say |
46 |
23.00 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
Table 6 shows that 119 respondents
(58.5% of the total) thought that having a community background helped them in
politics, 35 respondents (17.5% of the total) thought that having a community
background hurt them, and 46 respondents (23% of the total) thought that it's
impossible to tell. Based on the results, it seems that most people think
having a strong community foundation helps in politics.
Table 7: When it comes to communal
issues, OBC leadership can provide solutions.
|
Response |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
119 |
59.50 |
|
No |
81 |
40.50 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
Table
7 reveals that 119 people (or 59.50%) think that OBC leadership can fix their
community's issues, while 81 people (or 40.50%) don't think so. According to
the results, most people think that the leadership of OBC can fix their
community's problems.
Table 8: Identify politics in the
Hong Kong region poses challenges to the OBCs.
|
Response |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Unity |
83 |
41.50 |
|
Selfless leadership |
60 |
30.00 |
|
Committed cadres |
20 |
10.00 |
|
Financial strength |
37 |
18.50 |
|
Total |
200 |
100.00 |
According to table 8, 83 respondents
(24.33%) in the Hyderabad Karnataka region cited a lack of unity as a challenge
for OBC Identity politics, 60 respondents (30%) in the same region cited a lack
of selfless leadership, 20 respondents (10%) in the same region cited a lack of
committed cadres, and 37 respondents (18.5%) in the same region cited a lack of
financial strength as a challenge for OBC Identity politics. Data analysis
shows that minority political leadership in the Hyderabad, Karnataka region
faces obstacles.
Table 9: For
OBCs, identity politics is essential.
|
Response |
Frequency |
Percentage |
|
Yes |
169 |
84.50 |
|
No |
31 |
15.50 |
|
Total |
300 |
100.00 |
From the data in table 9, we can see that 169
respondents (84.50%) agreed that OBC mobilization requires identity politics,
whereas 31 respondents (15.5%) disagreed. Data analysis shows that most
respondents shared the view that OBC mobilization requires identity politics.
CONCLUSION
Based on the
information provided, it can be concluded that they completed high school and
were close to graduating. They became involved in politics as a result of the
hardships experienced by their community and a desire to help the general
population. They have run for office at different levels of government and
belonged to a wide range of national and regional parties. They were able to
use their neighborhood connections to their political advantage. They also did
a lot of door-to-door canvassing and recruited neighbors to join their
political parties. Their enthusiasm for democratic philosophy and political
politics was evident. When it came to protecting their communities' interests,
they trusted their political parties. Minority political figures are rising to
prominence in the Hyderabad Karnataka Region. The political mobilization of
OBCs in the Hyderabad Karnataka area was motivated by the influence of past
community leaders. People in the respondents' constituency were being urged to
run for office by the respondents themselves. The fact that the respondents are
well-liked by their neighbors is evidence that politics has helped shape who
they are. Consequently, the OBCs in the Hyderabad–Karnataka area mobilized in
large numbers, were politically engaged, and left their imprint on the field of
identity politics.
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