Beyond The Binary: Legal
Classification of Gig Workers in India's Evolving Labour Law Architecture
Sanjay
Kumar Sharma1*, Dr Nitu Nuwal2
[1]
Research Scholar, School of Law, Mody University of Science and Technology,
Lakshmangarh, Rajasthan, India
sanjaysharma24.sol@
2
Supervisor, School of Law, Mody University of Science and Technology,
Lakshmangarh, Rajasthan, India
Abstract: Since 2023, the nature of gig and
platform workers – whether they are “employee” or “independent
contractor” has become a multi-level regulatory battle in India. In India,
the amount of legal activity has never been greater, from the Welfare Fund
statute passed in the State of Rajasthan in 2023, various State laws and draft
bills in Karnataka, Telangana, Jharkhand and Bihar, the delay in the
implementation of the Code on Social Security (2020), all four central Labour
Codes (21 November 2025) to the Supreme Court challenge of Indian Federation of
App-based Transport Workers (IFAT) against the Union of India. As of now, the
registration of workers, including the number of gig/workers and platform
workers, is also not centralized as only 3.37 lakh of the total 30.98 lakh
workers registered on e-Shram portal are categorized as gig/platform workers,
while NITI Aayog estimates it at 23.5 million by 2029-30. This paper aims at
doctrinal, comparative and policy analysis of this situation which is swiftly
changing. It draws parallels with more elaborate Karnataka act and further with
more detailed Code of Central Government and recent judicial decisions made in
India and overseas and introduces a multi factorial classification system which
could have been integrated into the existing Welfare Board system in Rajasthan.
It is based on solid government, legislative and journalistic sources in the
analysis period (2023-2026). The figures and tables depict the following:
Growth in workforce, sectoral structure and skill type, e-Sharam registration
deficit, classification time line and comparative international classification tests
and proposed classification route.
Keywords: Gig
Economy; Platform Workers; Code on Social Security, 2020; Rajasthan Platform-Based
Gig Workers Act, 2023; Labour Law Classification; Algorithmic Management; India.
1.
INTRODUCTION
It is estimated that 7.7 million labourers were
employed in the concept of platform economy in 2020-21 which will grow to 23.5
million by 2029-30 [1] and that the dichotomy of ‘employee' and ‘independent
contractor' forms the backbone of India's labour law system. The gig-worker provisions
of the Code have been on the statute book ever since the introduction of the
Code on Social Security, 2020 (“CSS Code”) [15,23], but without being enacted.
The Union Government had announced that the limbo would come to an end at least
officially on 21st November 2025, when it issued a notification for the
implementation of the new codes as mentioned above [11,22]. On 30 December 2025
[12] on the eve of a coordinated strike by delivery and ride-hailing workers in
various cities across India, these central rules on eligibility and benefits
norms were prepared.
Rajasthan's uniqueness comes into play in this story.
It was the first State in India to enact welfare measures for gig-workers by
enacting the Rajasthan Platform Based Gig Workers (Registration and Welfare)
Act, 2023 (“Rajasthan Act”) welfare tax on transactions made by aggregators and
a Welfare Board was imposed in Rajasthan on 24 July 2023 [1,2,3]. Karnataka and
Telangana have passed similar state laws, while the draft bill in Jharkhand is
almost similar, and the bill of 2025 in Bihar, which is not as institutionalized
in nature, but not as well drafted either, is generally considered to be the
most detailed of the state models, particularly because it explicitly provides
for the freedom of the gig worker to refuse a task [9]. The gamut of
overlapping solutions, both at the central and State levels, brings two
important questions to mind: What does harmonize? and double contribution risk;
more importantly, can the coverage under the welfare-fund based on the
presumption of employment or the non-specification of the question of
employment provide sustainable protection?
This paper has three related aims: Firstly, it gives a
legal perspective on Indian laws after 2023 and its application to gig workers
and social security. Secondly, it pays attention to classification of gig
workers and social security in India. Updates State Central of changes since
January 2023. Second, it uses data from the entire country, which it deems
reliable, like estimates of workforces from NITI Aayog, registrations on
e-Shram and the lack of data from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) to measure
the mismatch between the law's intent and reality. Thirdly, it suggests a
multi-factor classification system, based on the recent international schemes,
such as the U.K. worker category, the Californian ABC test and the EU Platform
Work Directive (EU) 2024/2831), which can be implemented within existing
Welfare Board framework of Rajasthan without modifying the legislation.
2.
REVIEW OF RECENT LITERATURE
The Indian law on gig-worker classification can be
classified into three strands after 2023. The first is doctrinal criticism of
the ‘welfare-fund architecture' of the CSS Code, a few of whose authors have
called the Code a recognition without any status; the Code allows for
recognition of welfare funding but does not require it or define any benefits,
nor does it set any time limits [31]. Similarly, Bali's comparative critique
contrasts the approach of the European Union where the rebuttable presumption
is more effective to “correct the imbalance of power in platform work” with the
less comprehensive half measures of jurisdictions having the fiction of
independent contracting [29].
The second set of factors is associated with the wave
of State legislation. Practitioner and policy literature on the Karnataka
Ordinance and Act 2025 highlights the more detailed institutional set up, e.g.
the right to refuse task, as compared to that of the Rajasthan Act, and the
explicit recognition of the difference in the approach between the State
welfare-fee and the ‘total contribution payable' under the CSS Code which is
meant to prevent double payment when the central rules come into effect [7,9,10].
Recent changes in the legislation in similar draft models or enacted models in
Telangana, Jharkhand and Bihar suggest a more or less uniform adoption of the
Rajasthan model.In recent years, one can see a more or less similar adoption of
the Rajasthan model in the updates of similar draft/enacted models in
Telangana, Jharkhand and Bihar.
The third cluster discusses the statistical
invisibility of gig work. The PLFS, the most important indicator to measure the
labour force, “does not have a dedicated category for gig workers,” as noted by
analysts, the plans to issue union identity cards, eShram registration and
Ayushman Bharat coverage for gig workers were introduced in the Union Budget
2025-26. Recent quantitative study based on descriptive and linear-projection
approach shows the extent of this mismatch in the number of projected and
registered gig workers as observed by NITI Aayog and e-Shram series
respectively [23]. Lastly the development of an emerging literature
investigates algorithmic management as a new area of legal analysis, and
suggests that algorithmic control of ratings and dynamic pricing, and automatic
deactivation, is a logical extension of the traditional supervisory control
which has long characterized the spectrum of potential for employment under
Indian doctrine [32].
3.
THE CENTRAL LEGAL AND REGULATORY FRAMEWORK
The following
discussion will concentrate on the milestones discussed in this Section and
Section 8 and compare them on the same timeline: since the enactment of the CSS
Code in 2020 until the date for sending the draft central rules for comments is
set for December 2025. Figure 1. In this course, students will be introduced to
some of the most important legislative/policy developments in India on Gig
workers and Social security (2020-2026).

Figure 1. Timeline of key legislative and policy
milestones governing gig-worker classification and social security in India,
2020–2026 [1, 2, 5, 9, 11, 12, 16, 18]
3.1
The Code on Social Security, 2020 and its 2025 Commencement
The CSS Code,
which was enacted in September 2020, for the first time introduced Sections
2(35), 2(60), 2(61) and 113–114 which define ‘gig worker’ and ‘platform work’
as separate legal concepts and consider a Social Security Fund that would be
funded by aggregator, worker and government contributions. However, the
provisions relating to the gig workers have not been notified for over five
years. For the first time, on 21st November 2025, the Union Government launched
all four labour codes into India's labour-law space for three groups of workers
- IT workers, ITES workers, Audio-visual and Digital media workers [11,13,14].
These rules begin to specify the eligibility criteria and benefits, but
commentators have pointed out that “these rules do not address all demands made
by the workers” and that a Universal Social Security Account (USSA) which
incorporates EPFO, ESIC, e-Shram and PM-JAY is still a proposal in the draft
Shram Shakti Niti, 2025 [11,12].
3.2
The e-Shram Portal and the Registration Deficit
Along with this,
Union Budget 2025-26 stated that the workers have to get registered on e-Shram
portal and Ayushman Bharat – PM-JAY health cover for eligible workers [17,29]
to get registered on the online platforms. As of 3 August 2025, over 30.98
crore workers had registered on e-Shram of which only 3.37 lakh (0.11 per cent)
had registered as gig or platform workers [18,19] as against the estimated one
crore workers as gig or platform workers as of 2024-25 as estimated by NITI
Aayog. The point here is that, as detailed in Section 6, the current unregistration
(or any classification without a related identification process) will not be
very effective.
3.3
Comparative Overview of the State-Level Legislative Wave
Based on the official gazette notifications, bill
briefs from PRS Legislative Research and legal-practice commentaries from the
last few years [1–6, 9, 10, 16] the key instruments in the state and central
legislatures identified from this review have been summarised in table 1.
Table 1. Comparative Overview of Central and State
Gig-Worker Legislation in India (position as of January 2026)
|
State |
Instrument |
Status
(as of Jan 2026) |
Aggregator
Contribution |
Distinctive
Feature |
|
Rajasthan |
Platform Based Gig Workers
(Registration & Welfare) Act, 2023 |
In force since 24 Jul 2023; first
such law in India |
Welfare cess on aggregator
transactions; Rs 200 crore initial corpus announced |
First mover; unique worker ID and
central database |
|
Karnataka |
Platform Based Gig Workers (Social
Security & Welfare) Act, 2025 |
Ordinance 27 May 2025; Act notified
12 Sep 2025 (eff. 30 May 2025); Rules 19 Nov 2025 |
Welfare fee 1%–5% of
per-transaction payment; 12% p.a. interest on default |
Explicit worker right to refuse a
task; welfare-fee offset against CSS Code liability |
|
Telangana |
Draft Gig and Platform Workers
(Registration, Social Security & Welfare) Bill, 2025 |
Draft/consultation stage |
Proposed, rate not yet finalised |
Modelled on Rajasthan;
registration-linked welfare board proposed |
|
Jharkhand |
Draft Platform Based Gig Workers
(Registration & Welfare) Bill, 2024 |
Draft stage |
Proposed |
Follows Rajasthan template |
|
Bihar |
Platform Based Gig Workers
(Registration, Safety & Welfare) Act, 2025 |
Passed by State legislature, 2025 |
Proposed contribution mechanism |
Explicit safety-standard provisions |
|
Union of India (CSS Code) |
Code on Social Security, 2020, Ss.
113–114 |
In force from 21 Nov 2025; draft
rules 30 Dec 2025 |
1–2% of aggregator turnover /
annual payout (indicative) |
National Social Security Fund;
interoperability envisaged with State schemes |
4.
INTERNATIONAL COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
India's challenge with gig-workers is not the only one
in the world. The Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UK) decided unanimously
that the Uber drivers were ‘workers' because they had been subjected to some
degree of control by the company that did not conform with the independent
contractor relationship, they were required to rate the Uber drivers and the
company disabled them when they rated them negatively, and the company-imposed
conditions on them. In the United States, the Californian Supreme Court in
Dynamex has created the ‘ABC test’ whereby the presumption of employee status
can only be overcome if the hiring entity can ‘affirmatively demonstrate’ that
the worker is not acting in any way independent of the hiring entity. The EU
has since followed suit, having introduced a rebuttable legal presumption of
employment to all cases where there is evidence of control and direction of the
platform (Council, 14 October 2024, published in December 2024) and new
transparency and human oversight requirements for algorithmic management
systems, which will apply to the Member States from 2 December 2026 onwards
(35,36,37).
To illustrate how these three regimes fit around the
proposed three criteria (control, dependency, integration), these regimes have
been compared next to the three factor framework proposed in Section 7 of this
paper, though the procedure differs (a presumption-and-rebuttal in the
UK/EU/California models, against an additive scoring framework proposed here
for the Indian and welfare-fund linked.
Table 2. Comparative Judicial and Legislative Tests
for Platform-Worker Classification
|
Jurisdiction |
Key
Instrument |
Test
/ Mechanism |
Outcome
for Workers |
|
United Kingdom |
Uber BV v Aslam [2021] UKSC 5 |
Purposive interpretation;
intermediate ‘worker’ category |
National Minimum Wage, paid leave,
whistle-blower protection |
|
United States (California) |
Dynamex Operations West v Superior
Court, 4 Cal.5th 903 (2018); AB5 |
‘ABC test’ – presumption of
employee status, burden on hiring entity |
Reclassification of many drivers as
employees, subject to later carve-outs |
|
European Union |
Directive (EU) 2024/2831 (‘Platform
Work Directive’), adopted 14 Oct 2024 |
Rebuttable presumption of
employment where indicators of control are present; algorithmic-management
transparency duties |
Member States to transpose by 2 Dec
2026; correction of misclassification |
|
India (proposed – this paper) |
Multi-factor test synthesising CSS
Code §§113–114 with Dharangadhara, Silver Jubilee and Sriram Pistons doctrine |
Four-factor
control/dependency/variability/integration test (Fig. 3) |
Tiered access to State Welfare
Board and CSS Code Fund benefits |
Comparative picture show that the recent Indian model
of welfare fund (which is neither statutory nor judicially defined in the UK)
is more conservative than the EU model of welfare which is statutory and the UK
model where welfare is judicially defined without taking into consideration the
status. But this has been highlighted by the Indian commentators who see that
“passages on classification were intentionally omitted in the Acts of Rajasthan
and Karnataka, although there is some good, albeit limited, welfare coverage in
the Acts. [16].
5.
JUDICIAL DEVELOPMENTS: THE PENDING SUPREME COURT REFERENCE
The Indian Federation of App based Transport Workers
(IFAT), Tulasi Jagdish Babu and Kaushar Khan on behalf of the government and
aggregators such as Uber India, Ola (ANI Technologies) and Zomato companies
have filed a writ petition in the country that will get the earliest hearing
before the court. The petition seeks to find out whether gig workers are
covered by the protections of the Unorganized Workers' Social Security Act,
2008; whether their exclusion from the protection of that Act is
unconstitutional because it is in breach of their right to equality guaranteed
under Article 14; whether it is their right to life guaranteed under Article 21
and the right against forced labour guaranteed under Article 23 of the
Constitution that is being violated because there is no social security for
them. It is noteworthy that the notice was sent by the bench of Justices L.
Nageswara Rao and B.R. Gavai in December 2021 and the Supreme Court has also
been in touch with the subject and gave them a few notices to Union and the
States governments and the aggregators identified by the governments for the
platform workers [25].
IFAT is of doctrinal significance for two reasons.The
pendency of IFAT is crucial in two regards. An examination of the
constitutionally based classification result, which is not under the
constitutionally based welfare provisions of the CSS Code but is under Article
14, 21 and 23, opens a space for a rights-based classification result which
will overrule and, perhaps, impact the central Code as well as the State Acts
examined in Section 3. Second, it illustrates the continuity of doctrine
between the classical Indian tests of control/integration (as seen in Dharangadhara
Chemical Works v State of Saurashtra, Silver Jubilee Tailoring House v Chief
Inspector of Shops and Establishments, Sriram Pistons and Rings Ltd v Workmen)
and how it can be applied in the case of algorithmically mediated control of
platforms. No one employer had to make such decisions, but these decisions had
been made based on a structure of the relationship from which control was
implied – something that can readily be turned into algorithmic and
ratings-based task allocation.
6.
Data and Analytics: Measuring an Officially Invisible Workforce
The literature reviewed in section 2 once again
highlights the need to focus on the issue of inadequacy of official statistics
in capturing the gig workforce in India. The NITI Aayog report of 2022 had
speculated that the number of gig workers and platform workers would reach 7.7
million in 2020-21, which has been revised to 23.5 million (2.35 crore) by
2029-30 [1,20]. In the government estimation of 2024-25 the number of workers
engaged in the country was estimated more than 1 crore [18,19]. These are plotted
in figure 2 and of the three reference points these three have been checked.

Figure 2. Projected growth of India's gig and
platform workforce, 2020-21 to 2029-30 (Sources: NITI Aayog, 2022; PIB Press
Note, 2025) [1, 18, 20]
In this projected scale there is a tremendous gap
between the number of registered and actual users. Its previous government had
set up an online platform for unorganised workers, but the Ministry of Labour
and Employment (MTE) had introduced a National Database called e-Shram to
connect unorganised workers, which had registered over 30.98 crore
self-declared unorganised workers as of 3 August 2025, while only 3.37 lakh
workers were registered as gig or platform workers (0.11 per cent of
self-declared unorganised, and less than 3.4 per cent of estimated 1 crore gig
or platform workers). The size of this gap is indicated by the gap in figure 3.

Figure 3. The gig-worker registration gap on the
e-Shram portal, as of 3 August 2025 (Source: PIB Press Note, 2025) [18]
There are two reasons for this lack of supply, related
to the structure. First, the PLFS is the most important survey instrument to
measure the Indian labour market and doesn't have a dedicated category for
gigs, but rather falls under ‘self-employed' and ‘casual labour' [21,22] as one
recently commented, ‘statistically invisible'. Secondly, even in case of
self-declaration of registration, they might not be added to the national
e-Shram registration database if they are registered with the Rajasthan or Karnataka
welfare-fund registration formalities. Similarly, recent applied research into
the linear-projection techniques carried out in the series of NITI Aayog and
e-Shram found out that the higher the difference between projected and recorded
gig workers would be in the coming decade from 2025 to 2030 [23]. This paper
suggests that the registration system of the Welfare Board, as part of the
registration requirements, is a better design for capturing data than the
voluntary self-declaration, which warranted further empirical research, and
could be centralized.
6.1
Composition of the Workforce: Sector and Skill
The data from NITI Aayog shows that there were 68 lakh
gig workers in India during FY22 baseline (2019-20) and that this is not
limited to platforms that can be seen in the public discourse. The other
services, such as information technology and real estate, services,
construction and education jobs accounted for about 4.4 per cent, 2.4 per cent
and 4.2 per cent of the workforce, respectively, and had the largest employment
figures in the retail trade and sales (around 39 per cent) [1,38]. This
distribution is subsequently represented in Figure 4, and the distribution of
skill levels in Figure 5, in terms of the percentage of gig work in
medium-skilled (delivery, ride-hailing), low-skilled (categories) and
high-skilled (freelance, professional) categories.

Figure 4. Sector-wise distribution of India's gig
workforce, FY 2019-20 baseline (Source: NITI Aayog, 2022, Table 15) [1, 38]
The composition of the classification is quite
sensitive to the control patterns of the ride-hailing and food delivery jobs,
and is not adequately representative of the algorithmic/dependency aspects of
the jobs in retail trade and sales/ecommerce logistics. Therefore, the Welfare
Board of Rajasthan should ensure that the reach and registration of the sector
does not provide undue privileges to the ride-hailing and delivery sub-sector
which is the most visible sub-sector.

Figure 5. Skill-level composition of India's gig
workforce (Source: NITI Aayog, 2022) [38]
6.2
The Workforce's Growing Share of Total Employment
The second lens used will be NITI Aayog's projections
of the number of gig workers as percentage of total jobs and non-agricultural
jobs as given in figure 6. The number of gig workers in 2020-21 accounted for
an estimated 2.6 per cent of the non-agricultural workforce (or 1.5 per cent of
the total workforce) and are expected to make up 6.7 per cent of the
non-agricultural workforce (or 4.1 per cent of the total workforce) by 2029-30
[1,38]. As can be seen in Fig.7, the relevance of a policy to gig work is not
just numbers, it is the increasing proportion of gig work in the total
employment structure in India as captured in a separate study by VV Giri
National Labour Institute (VVGNLI) which predicts that the gig workforce would
account for about 61.9 million jobs by 2047 [39].

Figure 6. Gig workers as a share of India's
workforce, 2020-21 vs. 2029-30 projected (Source: NITI Aayog, 2022) [1, 38]
7.
A PROPOSED MULTI-FACTOR CLASSIFICATION FRAMEWORK FOR RAJASTHAN
This paper aims to suggest a four factor
classification pathway (Figure 7) which is to be administrative, based on the
doctrinal continuity discussed in Section 5, and on the existing models
explored in Section 4, which are going to be implemented under the existing
rules of the Platform Based Gig Workers Welfare Board in Rajasthan without any
fresh primary legislation. For every registered relationship between a worker
and an aggregator the following questions are asked: (i) Does the platform
algorithmically determine the prices? (ii) Does it provide an algorithmic
distribution of tasks or does it provide an algorithmic distribution of tasks
based on the performance of the worker? (ii) Does the worker have an
economically meaningful relationship with the platform in terms of his income
from the activity in the platform? (iii) Can the platform, without giving any
reason, change the rules without any justification and cancel the access to the
worker or cancel the worker account? (iv) Does the worker's activity have a
role in the platform's core business model or does it merely take place as an
incidental? They are based on the control test recommended by recent writers on
platform control [32,33] in the case of Dharangadhara Chemical Works Ltd v
State of Saurashtra, the integration test (as modified for platform control) in
Silver Jubilee Tailoring House v Chief Inspector of Shops and Establishments
and the economic-reality/purposive approach (as modified for platform control)
in Sriram Pistons and Rings Ltd v Workmen.

Figure 7. Proposed multi-factor classification
pathway for gig workers registering with Rajasthan's Platform Based Gig Workers
Welfare Board
This design would make 3 or 4 of the 4 indicators
fulfilled by a worker and it would be considered a ‘platform-based worker' for
mandatory registration with Welfare Board and a worker would become
welfare-fund entitlement worker as per the existing welfare fee mechanism of
Rajasthan and Karnataka. Even if the worker does not make any contribution from
any of the indicators, he/she can still register voluntarily on e-Shram and
contribute towards basic coverage but not aggregator's compulsory contribution.
This is not an “either-or” presumption model like in the UK, California or the
EU (as it is in India, both the CSS Code and the State Acts are used and are
not the solution).
8.
CASE STUDY: RAJASTHAN'S WELFARE-FUND MODEL IN OPERATION
In the initiative
of the then CM, the Rajasthan Platform Based Gig Workers Welfare Board is
created and a State-wide Database is generated with a unique Identification
Number of each registered Gig worker along with the engagement history with
each of the Gig workers with aggregators. The Social Security and Welfare fund
will be fed from capitalisation by levying a cess on the transactions of the
aggregators, along with contributions from the workers, grants-in-aid and other
sources, and was estimated to have a corpus of Rs 200 crore in the 2023-24
State budget [6]. The process of consulting industry stakeholders on the
implementation of the rules has been underway since the beginning of 2024 and
is continuing in 2025 [5] and will involve the proposed Central Transaction
Information and Management System (CTIMS) that will include tracking of
aggregator payments and welfare-cess deductions.
The second
generation model of this Rajasthan model could be the following Ordinance and
Act of Karnataka (2025). The Karnataka Rules (notification 19 November 2025)
provide for a tiered welfare-cess (1 to 5 per cent of the amount paid to a gig
worker per transaction) and also introduce a penalty for failure to pay the
welfare-cess (interest) of 12 per cent per annum after the payment is made to
the gig worker. The state welfare-cess will also be explicitly reimbursed to
the aggregator on the “total contribution payable” column in the CSS Code
[7,10] and will be reconcilled annually in the Rules. This reconciliation
process, by itself, will give assurance that there will be no double
contribution risk for the aggregators after November 2025, when the central
Code's aggregator contribution provisions will come into effect and will be a
model for the aggregators in Rajasthan Rules, as well.
The study has
resulted in three lessons.The following are practical lessons as taken out of
the comparative study of these cases for Rajasthan. First, a welfare-cess
model, which does not take into account control imbalance between aggregator
and the worker as it does in the current scenario in Karnataka where the
aggregator is under the worker's rights to refuse a task. Secondly, there is
the possibility of a double liability on the aggregators in Rajasthan on the
State Act and a new CSS Code, which the State Government should consider to
amend, rather than enact a new primary law. Third, if such an interoperability
of the CTIMS style transaction tracking platform with UAN of e-Shram is
achieved, it would be a great contribution to the problem of data capture
identified in Section 6 and could be a real data-capture advantage for
Rajasthan.
9.
DISCUSSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
In Sections 3–8 four recommendations are made for
Rajasthan policy makers and hence for the design of rules that can be
implemented under the now-inoperative CSS Code. These recommendations are
summarised in figure 8 before they are discussed individually.

Figure 8. Four policy recommendations for Rajasthan
(summary)
1.
Adopt a reconciliation mechanism. To incentivise
compliance, the State Welfare cess in the Welfare Fund Rules should be offset
with the central contribution obligation, as outlined in the CSS Code, in the
same manner as it was done in Karnataka so as to not discourage compliance by
penalising with double charges.
2.
Operationalise the proposed classification pathway administratively. The
four-factor framework (Figure 3) can be piloted by the Welfare Board as a
registration time questionnaire to be completed together by the aggregator and
the worker and does not require amendment of the parent Act in accordance with
the existing data collection role of the Welfare Board.
3.
Link State registration to e-Shram in real time. The
potential linkage of an application programming interface (API) between the
database of the Rajasthan Welfare Board with the e-Shram would directly address
the measurement gap highlighted in Section 6 as the same would trigger the
generation of an e-Shram Universal Account Number (UAN) for every Board
registration.
4.
Monitor the IFAT proceedings for downstream statutory impact. The
constitutional definition of ‘unorganised workers' in the CSS Code rules would
need to be amended on the basis of the Supreme Court's eventual ruling on IFAT,
as would also be the case with the Rajasthan Act in the event that gig workers
are recognised as such in the Act.If the Supreme Court ultimately decides that
gig workers are ‘unorganised workers' under the 2008 Act, or that the
entitlement to ‘unorganised workers' is expanded, then both the CSS Code rules
and the Rajasthan Act would need to be amended accordingly; however, the
legislators should have incorporated review clauses in the rules-making process
for the 2008 Act to allow for such changes without the need for yet another Act.
10.
LIMITATIONS
The analysis is doctrinal and policy analytical and
does not include any new empirical primary research; the figures are sourced
from government press releases, government gazette notifications, bill briefs
provided by PRS Legislative Research, and contemporaneous commentary on the
legal practice, which are cited and not provided as original research findings
by the authors. The numbers cited here (contribution rates, coverage
thresholds) may change with the finalization of the draft instruments that have
been notified under the central Labour Code or the State instruments in
Telangana, Jharkhand and Bihar due to the pending IFAT litigation and
finalization of draft instruments where the legal architecture remains
unchanged. Readers using this analysis post mid-2026 should check the latest
text of rules with the Ministry of Labour and Employment and State gazette
notification.
11.
CONCLUSION
In the process, India shifted from just one
un-notified central provision on gig-worker social security to a truly plural
model, with the first State Act of Rajasthan, the second-generation approach in
Karnataka, and other State measures under way, a functioning central Code with
draft implementing rules, and a constitutional challenge underway in the
Supreme Court, all where the issue was gig-worker social security. The increase
in empirical visibility has not been as quick as the increase of e-Shram registrants:
At present, less than four out of a thousand e-Shram registrants are recorded
as gig workers or platform workers, while the number of workers on these
platforms is expected to grow over two times in the coming years [1,18,20].
This paper has suggested that the gap can be filled not by making additional
primary laws but by making specific changes in the existing rules based on the
reconciliation mechanism used in Karnataka, which is a multi-factor
classification approach that can be administered and is made real-time through
existing Welfare Board and national e-Shram database in the state. This would
turn the first-mover legislative edge into a first-mover data edge for
Rajasthan and offer a blueprint that can be replicated at the central level as the
Central rule making process kicks off following the commencement of the Code on
Social Security, 2020 in November 2025.
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