Examine the Socio-Economic Profile of the Scheduled Caste

Researchers have guessed the caste framework because of its extraordinary nature for the long past. The social anthropologists have made many point by point contemplates identified with caste framework in the previous twenty years. There has likewise been a significant change in the methodology received while considering caste. Prior journalists, who composed on caste, were more intrigued by the inception of the caste framework. The anthropologists and sociologists are not, at this point keen on beginnings of caste framework however in the working of caste as an arrangement of social definition. These works give us knowledge into the working of the caste framework in its different angles and in its connection with different parts of social construction. The principal scholarly hints of the caste framework are to be found in the Rig-Veda, where three gatherings are referenced: Brahma (Priests), Ksatra (King or Rulers), and Vis' (Common People). The Purusasukta song, nonetheless, talks about four classes beginning from four pieces of the body of the Creator. These classes, Brahmana, Rajanya, Vaisya and Sudra are alluded to in later writing as Caturvarna. The term Varna doesn't appear to have been applied to these classes in the most punctual writing, but to balance the reasonable Arya with the dull Dasa. The underlying differentiation of individuals into two varnas later formed into three (Brahma, Ksatra, and Vis) and family into four. Occupations of the initial two varnas are obviously expressed to be normally a Vaisya and Sudras were workers. The Varna classifications don't, nonetheless, exhaust the different occupations rehearsed in Vedic India. The Rig-Veda, for example, specifies a few occupations by name-chariot-developer, gold-smith, hairdresser, doctor, cowhide specialist, potter, vendor and others. These occupations appear to be alluded to endogamous jatis and their wellness into the Varna structure isn't clear. The caste framework is an exceptional kind of friendly definition discovered for the most part in old and current India, however component of it and surprisingly all around created arrangement of it, is found in the different piece of the world, as among the current day Massai, the Somali of East Horn, the Polynesians and the Burmese. Nor were hints of it missing in antiquated Egypt, Japan, and Rom and surprisingly in current Europe and America where the managing Jews and Negroes would in general make a caste division of societies.1 Caste was applied by the Portuguese to the specific Indian organization known by the name of jati. S.V. Ketkar characterizes a caste as – "A caste is a gathering of people having two qualities: (1) Membership is restricted to the individuals who are brought into the world of individuals and incorporates all people so conceived (2) the individuals are taboo by an inflexible social law to wed untouchable group"2 and E.A.H. Obtuse depicts it as an endogamous gathering, or assortment of endogamous gatherings, bearing a typical name, enrollment of which is genetic, forcing on its individuals certain limitations in the matter of social intercourse, either following a typical customary occupation or guaranteeing a typical source are by and large viewed as framing a solitary homogeneous local area. Nesfield characterizes a caste as, "A class of the local area which abandons any association with some other class and can neither intermarry nor eat nor drink with any however people of their own local area". H. H. Risely characterizes a caste as follows: "A caste might be characterized as an assortment of families or gatherings of families bearing a typical name which generally signifies or is related with explicit occupation, guaranteeing basic plummet from a legendary progenitor, human or heavenly, declaring to follow similar expert reasons for living and are respected by the individuals who are equipped to offer an input as framing a solitary homogeneous local area" and E.A.H.Blunt describes caste as far as heredity, endogamy and limitations on commensality.3 Caste as an arrangement of social connection has been a main issue of Hindu society for a few centuries. A great deal of guesses, contentions and clarification have come up about its root, nature and job in Indian culture. It has been guaranteed that it is an allencompassing arrangement of philosophy which would oversee any remaining relations like social, strict, economic and political. Castes are regularly connected in what has been known as the jajmani framework, after the word Jajman, which in certain areas implies benefactor. Individuals from the town. Families of administration castes are connected through genetic bonds to a family of supporters, with the lower-caste individuals offering types of assistance as per customary word related specialization. Hence, customer groups of launderers, hairdressers, shoemakers, woodworkers, potters, tailors and ministers offer standard types of assistance to their benefactors, as a trade-off for which they get standard occasional installments of grain, dress and cash. In a perfect world, from one age to another customers owe their benefactors political devotion notwithstanding their work, while supporters owe their customers assurance and security.

The propensity of individuals to separate among themselves as indicated by explicit standards brings about human social orders that are defined or separated into various layers or sections. Individuals rank themselves as indicated by abundance, esteem and force. Differential circulation of force, eminence, advantages and assets brings about differential positioning of status in the pecking order. As rank in the progression increments, so does the offer in the prizes – riches, influence and glory. Maclver and Page (1967) distinguished chain of command of status gatherings, the acknowledgment of sub-par and unrivaled definition and some level of changelessness of design as the highlights of social delineation. As clarified by William (1960), delineation signifies some way, whereby same sorts of units are organized in same sort of layers. He further said that delineation is the positioning of people on a size of prevalence – mediocrity – fairness agreeing over some normally acknowledged premise of valuation. The contention and utilitarian schools, which are the two primary ways of thinking, ruled clarifying social definition. The preeminent of the contention scholars was Karl Marx, who said that the social classes, the element of social definition, are characterized by their relationship to the methods for creation. This gave the premise to his view that in each general public there are clashing classes based on their control of the methods for creation. Marxian hypothesis pictured the battle between the contending economic gatherings as the switch for social change. Max Weber, another traditional scholar on definition, concurred with Marx about the job of economic factor in separation, however added two additional measurements viz. force and esteem, as the two separate components, which are however interfacing premise of social order. Dahrendorf (1966) another contention scholar attempted to clarify delineation dependent on power relationship. Lenski (1966) endeavors a manufactured methodology, which consolidates the components of the utilitarian and struggle approach. To him the level of imbalance changes with specialized turn of

perspectives of delineation share for all intents and purpose two scientific components, which are social force and assessment of commitment as determinants of appropriation of remunerations. It is hard to track down regular components in the thought the two attempted to dissect delineation. Thinking about the two significant methodologies, the contention and utilitarian, it very well may be said that they are incongruent. Yogendra Singh (1977) concurs with this assessment and to cite him "neither the contention nor the agreement model is itself adequate to clarify completely all sociological interaction of social delineation. It tends to be inferred that the scholars on friendly delineation have discovered its measurements unique. They have distinguished various determinants of layer like abundance, pay, occupation, instruction and so on Sociologists have overall recognized four fundamental kinds of separation viz. subjection, bequest, class and caste. The significant categorisation of social definition framework is that of open and shut delineation framework. Regardless of whether a specific culture has open or shut social delineation framework relies upon the available resources the individuals from the general public utilize for getting abundance, renown and force. In an open society, hypothetically talking, every individual from the general public has equivalent admittance to material assets, force and glory. Each individual from the general public is allowed to vie for them and can get them by investing his own amounts of energy. Then again in shut social orders, class, status, force and advantages are credited and decided based on the family and legacy instead of the individual exertion. In such social orders the individual brought into the world in a particular societal position bunch acquires that status and stays in that status bunch. As this social situation is incredibly unbending, the people have no chance to move into or out of the layer and this kind of shut layer are known as the caste framework.

This term is gotten from a Portuguese word "casta" which implies a gathering. As effectively noted, castes are ascriptive gatherings. An individual is naturally introduced to a caste and this status is pretty much lasting. In spite of the fact that the components of caste are found external India, it is just 5 in India that various castes are found. Aside from general highlights like endogamy, castes additionally have explicit highlights which are the result of territorial, phonetic or other variables.4 Louis Dumont views caste as a piece of the dish Indian human progress. Caste is instilled in Hindu homo hierarchicus based on its four attributes , specifically, order, commensality, limitation on marriage and heredity.5 Ghanshyam Shah utilizes the term 'Caste' as a gathering of people dependent on predominance and recognized by economic and instructive conditions. As far as he might be concerned, caste framework has become specific caste actually endures. He doesn't look at it as a 'Bogus Consciousness'.6 G.S. Ghurye gives six exceptional highlights of the caste framework: segmental division of the general public; progressive system; limitations of feeling and social intercourse; common and strict incongruities and advantages of various segments; absence of unlimited decision of occupation; and limitations on marriage.7 Today there are four fundamental caste gatherings, of which three are little prevailing caste gatherings and the other is a huge subservient in reverse caste bunch. There are likewise outcastes, avarnas or non-caste or casteless gatherings like the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which have influenced any remaining social orders and religions with which they have come into contact, which on a fundamental level and because of their strict tenet, don't buy in to the caste framework.

Caste framework establishes a significant customary premise of Indian social structure.9 The Hindu caste framework is interesting on the planet, however takes after somehow or another Plato's optimal society of rationalists, fighters and average people. A caste is a division of society dependent on occupation and family genealogy. Hindu caste framework perceived four unmistakable classes or divisions among individuals dependent on these rules and implemented it through an inflexible set of principles that was explicit to each class and established in the Dharmashastras (Law books) of the later Vedic period. The four principle castes perceived by customary Hindu Society dependent on genetic occupation are referenced beneath. Brahmins – They are the clerical class who are qualified for study the Vedas, perform customs and ceremonies for themselves and for other people and obliged to notice the holy observances. They are the center men among God and men. They go about as sanctuary clerics and conjure God for the benefit of others. They are required to show excellent conduct and spend their lives chasing heavenly information and conservation of the practices. As per Manu, the legislators a Brahmin was and manifestation of dharma destined to serve and secure the dharma. He had a place with the phenomenal to humanity, supplied with insight and information to achieve Brahmin. He was the most elevated on earth, the master of all made creatures. Whatever that existed on the planet was the property of a Brahmin and he was qualified for all. Kshatriyas – They are the hero class who are told to ensure individuals, present blessings to the Brahmins, offer penances to God and predecessors, study the Vedas, administer equity and as per Manusmriti, go without themselves from exotic joy. Moon and Kubera. A ruler ought not be detested regardless of whether he was a newborn child. His position ought not be addressed with the exception of when he overlooked his obligations in supporting and securing Brahmins. The ruler reserved the privilege to rebuff however he was required to be reasonable in his discipline. It was top dog's obligation to secure the caste framework and the social request and pamper the ministers with liberal endowments at each chance. Vaishyas – They are the shipper and classes who are required to tend cows, offer penances, study the Vedas, exchange, loan cash and develop the land. They reserved the option to perform and partake in certain Vedic customs however they were not permitted to wed ladies of higher caste. Shudras – They are the work class, whose solitary obligation is to serve the other three castes. They were not permitted to notice any Vedic ceremonies or sanskara with the exception of a couple. They were not permitted to consider the Vedas as even hear the hallowed serenades. They were not permitted to eat food in the organization of higher castes or wed their ladies. 1. Castes are endogamous. Different economic, social and a strict approval distributed to their work break this standard. 2. Castes place limitations on commensality between individuals from various castes. These limitations identified with eating and drinking. 3. There is a various leveled reviewing of castes dependent on the thought of custom virtue. The higher castes are accepted to be cleaner and less dirtied. The lower caste is not so much unadulterated but rather more dirtied. Here virtue or its absence has no immediate connection to actual immaculateness. 4. Social collaborations between castes are limited. They are allowed distinctly during word related exchanges. An upper caste financial specialist or land holder needs to communicate with other people who might be of low position. 5. Castes are normally connected with customary occupations, for instance, Brahmins, Rajput, Baniyas have specific occupations The Rigvedic culture had a versatile caste system which allowed individuals to change their caste whether or not essential concealing (Varna) and family heredity were more critical during this period rather than occupation. Regardless, during the past Vedic period caste circumstance became unyielding and offered little versatility to people to pursue work not and confusion of castes. Clear verifiable principles, prizes and teaches and cleansing strategy gained essential to power the inflow of new people into the Vedic culture and their compromise into the current arrangement of castes without disturbing the social development and the strength of the strict class. The following are the main elements of the caste system:-

The audit of the writing is an important piece of any exploration. It controls the examiner to think about the measure of work done in the order where the specialist is leading the exploration. It likewise assists with keeping away from the duplication of exploration. It shows the way to the analyst. In the expressions of C.V.Goods "The study of related writing may give directing theories, intriguing strategies for examination and near information for deciphering reason." Though there are different investigations accessible on friendly versatility and few investigations are on between caste relationship yet a portion of the significant examinations identified with the current examination are as per the following: Hutton, J.H. (2013) in his book "Caste in India" uncovered the untouchable on water as among caste and caste. It is regularly expressed that the trial of a 'perfect caste', in other words, a caste of decent and non-dirtying status, lies in whether a Brahmin acknowledge drinking water at its hands. Here, obviously, as on account of conjugal limitations, there is space for much variety between one territory and another and any speculation that can be made should be made dependent upon nearby variety of custom which may once in a while be exceptionally striking. In this way in Northern India there are various Sudra Caste from what men of higher caste can take water, though in Southern and Western India the higher caste, at any rate, will generally speaking take water just from men of their own caste or a caste higher than their own.27 Further he depicted different focuses in which the outside castes endure socially. Subsequently exemption is taken to their wearing the decorations generally worn by higher castes and sometimes they are not permitted to wear gold trimmings by any means. Cases are on record in which Chamars, for example, have been beaten for dressing like Rajput and the mounting of an outside caste husband upon a pony for his marriage parade has prompted a blacklist of the caste being referred to by the higher caste neighbors. In December 1930, the Kallar in Ramnad propounded eight denials, the dismissal of which prompted the utilization of savagery by the Kallar against the outside castes,

Parsad, N. (2016) in his book "Fantasy of Caste System" examined the explanation of endurance of caste framework by investigating its set of experiences and the Hindu way of thinking which upholds it. He says that the Indian way of thinking has, all things considered, defended caste-progression and variety of standard of conduct. Infrequent changes in caste-relations were made conceivable by the distinctive renewal developments yet the arrangement of caste won't ever change. To examine whether there was any metropolitan mechanical impact on caste, he led an investigation on railroad laborers of Chapra which is a major modern worry of North-Eastern Railways. He discovered the Hindu folklore and Hindu caste had its hold over every one individuals and the networks. The examination likewise showed that individuals keep on tolerating the legendary understanding of the caste framework without knowing whether it is alluring or bothersome. They presumably believe that the caste framework is foreordained and the chance of change or cure doesn't emerge. It shows the hold of the fantasy of caste on the reasoning, feeling and conduct of individuals. The cures proposed by the investigation are: (1) schooling and legitimate freedoms to each of the (2) between caste marriage (3) evacuation of distance and (4) preparing individuals based on balance. Presad reasons that a study of social elements and new qualities are expected to disperse the fantasy of caste. Chanana, D.R. (2014) in his article "Caste and Mobility" expounds on the lower caste that they have been moving to metropolitan zones in huge numbers. In this number is proportionately less, at that point the justification this is to be found in variables, for example, the 'absence of schooling', of economic forces and of very much expounded kith and family relationship structures which can be roads of association and portability. Not one of these can be because of any inborn inclination of the lower caste to remain town based and get Sanskritised. Truth be told the marvel of Sanskritisation among such individuals is continuing apace in any event, when they have become town based. This is implied in Srinivas. It is conceivable that as the lower castes become Sanskritised, they will track down the privileged societies increasingly more westernized. Yet, offices ought to likewise be remembered which is currently offered to bring down caste people to move into higher classes, for example, reservation in Government administration, free training with grant. Settle for less for admission to foundations of higher learning, and so on these endeavors are starting to prove to be fruitful. Accordingly, in another age or so a decent extent of people of lower castes will have gotten used to posh living and will have been as much westernized as the rest. D'Souza, V.S. (2015) in his article "Changing Status of Scheduled Castes" composes that it has been Brahmins at the top and the scheduled castes at the lower part of the caste pecking order is fixed. It follows that whatever the adjustment of occupations or economic principles, the Brahmins can't descend in friendly assessment and the scheduled castes can't rise. Nonetheless, a reevaluation of Bailey's own information and proof from different investigations shows that this may not be valid. An endeavor is made here to show that the causal associate on between societal position and socio-economic conditions holds great even on account of scheduled caste. For the legitimacy of the connection between's societal position and socioeconomic conditions it isn't important to show that the two factors constantly change at the same time. It is conceivable that while the socio-economic state of a gathering changes, certain elements may repress the relating change in its societal position. However, as indicated by one of the proposes of social change, lopsided change in the connected factors is constantly joined by friendly resistance and strain. Nath, V. (2014) in his investigation "Town, Caste and Community" depicts how intercaste relationship is evolving. The connection which in type of Jajmani framework could be seen commonly in Indian culture has not any more in old structure and this interaction of changing is going on. He depicted a medium-sized multi-caste town in Rajasthan. The town has 26 castes, of which Brahmins and Rajputs among the higher castes, Jats, Malis and Meenas among the developing castes and Chamars among the scheduled castes are the most various. Chamars, shaping about ¼th of the absolute populace of the town, are the biggest single caste. Be that as it may, no single caste is in a prevailing situation in the town. The Jajmani framework has everything except separated. The greatest hit to the framework was given in 1956 by the Chamars' refusal to lift dead cows and to accomplish calfskin work. The development against doing these two positions had been dynamic among the Chamars of the space since the center forties. It went to the town following the nullification of Jagirdari. The majority of the residents went against the Chamars yet a couple including the Sarpanch who relied on their votes, upheld them. Two different castes, Kumhars and Nais, have left their standard commitments of drawing water and cleaning utensils, however they are carrying on their major conventional occupations of making pots and haircutting individually. Further he says that the Jajmani framework is being continued in a weakened structure in regard of just four castes-Kumhars, Nais, Khatis and Lohars. The Kumhars supply earthen pots for which there are no processing plant made substitutes yet. The other three render administrations which are fundamental, particularly for cultivators. In any case, even if there should be an occurrence of these four castes, the developing families are not after Jajmani however are paying for the labor and products outfitted by these four castes in real money. Indeed, even the families having Jajmani connections get just a piece of their necessities in Jajmani installments and pay for the rest in real money. Further he says that the higher caste additionally understand that the conspicuous social imbalances related with the caste framework should go. Some higher caste residents, strikingly the sarpanch, have put forth an attempt to nullify unapproachability and have prevailing to the degree of opening one drinking water well to all castes. They likewise understand that limitations on food and drink are not pragmatic in towns, and have seen retailers in the town serving high and low caste the same. In any case, they are not yet prepared to rehearse commensality in the town. Issacs, H. (2016) in his examination 'India's Ex-untouchables' examines the adjustment of the existence of India's ex-untouchables. He talked with fifty taught individuals from Scheduled Castes from various expert foundation. It is a movement record of Scheduled Castes living in metropolitan places. He needed to discover what has been occurring to instructed ex-untouchables in these first long stretches of India's Independence. He tracks down that all progressions are because of schooling for the most part and that a consistently rising number of taught untouchables are advancing toward new levels in the Indian culture. In this investigation a short record on the starting point of the unapproachability is given. He likewise examines the effect of upward versatility on the individual concerned and gives the records delivered by the informed scheduled caste people who being isolated and peered down in the general public like to stay mysterious without uncovering their unapproachable character. At the point when people become an individual from another class, because of social portability, the vast majority of them might not want to keep up relationship with their provincial and metropolitan family. They quit blending with other scheduled caste individuals. In spite of the fact that they profoundly feel intrigued to rebel against the caste Hindu society. The records given by him are of colossal importance since they follow the complaints of the frustrated untouchables and the disappointment of the framework to develop a casteless society. Concerning of the informed untouchables, he accepts that among the more youthful ones, there is rising assumptions, every one for himself and for his own possibilities more than for the bigger gathering. Lynch, O. M. (2016) in his book 'The Politics of Untouchability' carved the changing existence of Agra Jatavs (chamar or calfskin laborers). During his investigation of the Jatavs of Agra city he has gone through a year and half with them with the premium to examine their mission for 36 new character, in spite of their neediness. He is especially worried to know the impacts of autonomy and of the appropriation of and regularly works as an instant affiliation or vested party which can be activated for political activity and finishes. This is how the Republican Party helps the Jatavs. This transformation of caste by the Jatavs is buttressed by their en alliance private isolation into caste wards and by their populace size around there. These have gotten effectively versatile in the new climate of the general establishment. Jatav votes are presently significant, not exclusively to themselves yet additionally to the individuals from different castes, who can't be chosen without Jatav support. This was most strikingly clear on account of the Republican delegate city hall leader, a man of trader caste who required Jatav votes to be get chosen for the Agra Municipal Corporation. A caste, in this sense, is a coordinated vote bank which can expect the utilization of its political capital. Lynch, O. M. (2015) in his book 'The Politics of Untouchability' carved the changing existence of Agra Jatavs (chamar or calfskin laborers). During his investigation of the Jatavs of Agra city he has gone through a year and half with them with the premium to examine their mission for 36 new personality, in spite of their neediness. He is especially worried to know the impacts of freedom and of the selection of parliamentary majority rule government on a little gathering of individuals in India, the Jatav caste. He says that a caste in the new socio-world of politics of India can and frequently works as an instant affiliation or vested party which can be assembled for political activity and closures. This is how the Republican Party helps the Jatavs. This variation of caste by the Jatavs is buttressed by their en alliance private isolation into caste wards and by their populace size around there. These have gotten capably versatile in the new climate of the all-inclusive establishment. Jatav votes are currently significant, not exclusively to themselves yet additionally to the individuals from different castes, who can't be chosen without Jatav support. This was most strikingly apparent on account of the Republican agent city hall leader, a man of shipper caste who required Jatav votes to be get chosen for the Agra Municipal Corporation. A caste, in this sense, is a coordinated vote bank which can hope for the utilization of its political capital. He talked about other difference in Jatav caste was to the shoes business, the market framework and to Government strategy. The customary Jatav caste control of calfskin working has advanced into a restraining infrastructure of shoe creation. Besides, their status as Scheduled Caste can be viewed as a Government animated variation of their Untouchable caste status. The Government's arrangement of "defensive segregation" gives some slight benefit to the Scheduled Caste over the non-Scheduled Castes. From one perspective, it is separating caste by opening a few channels for singular portability inside the bigger society. Then again, it makes a

Jatavs to need to surrender the advantages got from being Scheduled Caste. Further he needs to say that the cowhide specialist caste, Jatav, was isolated occupationally and privately. They have been putting forth attempts towards social upliftment since the start of the century by turning out to be workers for hire of work, development, providing covers up and skins which has given them economic security. They are not limited by the expert worker relationship. The Arya Samaj further gave craftsmanship, information on Sanskritic images and powerful reference bunch conduct in the caste framework. They coordinated themselves to acquaint changes and began with wear the sacrosanct string. The idea of individual accomplishment and its authenticity accordingly put forth for their brain. With the happening to Dr. Ambedker, the Jatavs accepted a forceful stance, they attempted to accomplish political power and have prevailing somewhat and political cooperation assisted Scheduled Caste with getting upward portability. He sees that Jatavs had started a cycle of self-assessment and higher status in the caste framework. They have put forth attempts to get versatility not through sanskritization but rather through dynamic and separate political cooperation. He reasons that in current free India political investment is a useful option in contrast to sanskritization. However, the distant status of the Jatav keeps on being a hindrance to access power, political cooperation and open positions.

1. To find out the level of education among the scheduled caste. 2. To study the impact of educational mobility on changing inter-caste relationship. 3. To find out the occupational mobility among the scheduled caste.

H01 Despite the overall view that the interaction of word related upward versatility and upward friendly portability consistently go inseparably, apparently the more occupationally upward portable scheduled castes are in the provincial society in Haryana, the more prominent is the chance of supporting the current social inflexibility among upper castes and scheduled castes. H02 It is expected that there is no critical connection between's the word related versatility among scheduled castes and their socio-economic status. arrangement for gathering and dissecting information. Keeping in see the targets of the investigation, a distinct examination configuration has been utilized for the current investigation. This part includes the expansive frameworks of the exploration strategy embraced for leading this investigation:

There are two main sources from where data can be collected: 1. An original investigation may be undertaken i.e. using primary data. 2. Data gathered by someone else may be utilised i.e. using secondary data. The decision between the two relies upon the idea of study and enquiry, monetary assets, accessibility of time, level of precision required and so on We have utilized the essential information for our investigation and optional information likewise has been utilized by the necessity of the examination. Meeting plan joined with member perception has been utilized as the primary apparatus for information assortment. The timetable was intended to gather data with respect to caste structure, age, education level, nature of family, pay level of the family, certain other social, economic and socio-economic angles and so forth Furthermore, questions were additionally asked in regards to communication between the scheduled caste and upper caste to know the changing relations between the lower and upper castes.

The current investigation examinations the word related portability among three ages of SC's in area Rohtak and region Bhiwani in Haryana state. What's more, the investigation is centered around the similar word related changes among SC's of area Rohtak (relatively closer to NCR) and region Bhiwani (nearly farther from NCR). For examining the word related versatility, every one of the occupations received by three ages of SC's inside investigation region have been characterized into nine various leveled classes. The nine classifications are (1) Professional and Executive (2)Clerical Services (3) Para Professional and Para Executive (4) Skilled Workers (5) Subordinate Services (6) Business (7) Semi-talented and Self-utilized Workers (8) Agriculture Labor (9) Menial Services.

The Scheduled Castes comprise as quite possibly the most persecuted and burdened gatherings in Indian culture. For a very long time, they have been

[1] Aggarwal, P. C. & Ashraf, M.S. (1976), Equality through Privilege: A study of special privileges of scheduled castes in Haryana, New Delhi: Shri Ram Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources. [2] Bhaskar, S. & Sivaram, P. (1991), ―Occupational mobility among the Barbers‖, Man in India. [3] Bhatt, Anil (1975), Caste, Class and Politics: An Empirical Profile of Social Stratification in Modern India, New Delhi: Manohar Book Service. [4] Chanana, D.R. (1961), ―Caste and Mobility‖, The Economic Weekly, October, 7. [5] Cohn, B.S. (1975), ―Changing tradition of a low Caste‖, in Milton Singer (ed.), Traditional India: Structure and Change, Jaipur: Rawat Publications. [6] Channa, S.M. (2008), ―Towards New Identity; The Crafting of Human Bodies and The Racialisation on Caste in India‖, in Ram, N. (ed.), Dalit in Contemporary India, New Delhi: Siddhant Publications. [8] Jodhka, S.S. & Shah, G. (2010), ―Comparative contexts of discrimination: Caste and Untouchability in South Asia‖, Economic & Political Weekly, November 27. Judge, P.S. (2008), ―Locating Caste Conflict in Punjab: A Study of Jat-Dalit conflict in a village‖, in [9] Ram, N. (ed.), Dalit in Contemporary India, New Delhi: Siddhant Publications. [10] K.L., Sharma (2014), ―Caste: Continuity and Change‖ in Yogendra Singh (ed.), Indian Sociology: Emerging Concepts, Structure, and Change, Vol. one, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. [11] Kamat, A.R. (1981), ―Education and Social Change amongst the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes‖, Economic & Political Weekly, August, 1. [12] Karanth, G.K. (2012), ―New Technology and Traditional Rural Institutions: Case of Jajmani Relations in Karnataka‖ in Jodhka, S.S. (ed.), Village Society, New Delhi: Orient BlackSwam. [13] Lynch, Owen M. (1969), The Politics of Untouchebility, New York: Columbia University Press.

Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Sai Meer Degree College, Uttar Pradesh