Rise of Extremism in Pakistan: Role of Islam

Understanding the Rise of Extremism in Pakistan

by Dr. Neha Lohamaror*,

- Published in Journal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied Education, E-ISSN: 2230-7540

Volume 15, Issue No. 11, Nov 2018, Pages 941 - 945 (5)

Published by: Ignited Minds Journals

ABSTRACT

“Sectarian terrorism has been going on for years...The day of reckoning has come. Do we want Pakistan to become a theocratic state? Do we believe that religious education alone is enough for governance or do we want Pakistan to emerge as a progressive and dynamic Islamic Welfare State?” (South Asian Terrorism Portal, 12 January 2002)[1] – were the words of former President of Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf on January 12, 2002 in his address to the nation, after deciding to support United States in its campaign of ‘war against terror’. The same question resonates even after a decade when eminent figures such as Salman Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti are murdered for being critical of the blasphemy laws. In 2011, Salman Taseer, the Governor of Pakistan’s Punjab province was assassinated by his bodyguard Mumtaz Qadri for defending Asia Bibi[2]. When Qadri was produced in court for trial, he was showered with rose petals by lawyers. After Qadri was tried and hanged in 2016, his funeral procession attracted a huge crowd. Also, Shahbaz Bhatti, a Pakistani Christian who was the Minister for Religious minorities in Pakistan was murdered for his support to Asia Bibi. Both the ministers had openly campaigned to reform Pakistan’s blasphemy law. (The Hindu, 15 November 2018)[3] This reflects the intolerance and extremism in the twentieth century society of Pakistan which poses grave threat to the country.

KEYWORD

extremism, Pakistan, role of Islam, sectarian terrorism, theocratic state, religious education, progressive Islamic Welfare State, blasphemy laws, intolerance, twentieth century society

theologists to garner support and legitimize their rule. General Zia lacked the support of politicians and bureaucracy and he used Islam in his attempt to build a support structure. (Gustafson and Richter 1981: 168)[10] With the introduction of pre-medieval Islamic laws such as death sentence for adultery, exemplary public punishment for petty crimes and other punitive measures, General Zia gained the support of the fundamentalists. Though General Zia intensified the Islamisation process through Pakistan‘s legal and educational system Haqqani sees his policy of Islamizationas the ―extension of a consistent state ideology‖. (Haqqani 2005: 03)

1.3 ROLE OF RELIGIOUS POLITICAL PARTIES IN PAKISTAN

The recent events such as the street demonstration by a number of religious parties identifying with Barelvi sect[11] in Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Karachi and Lahore in 2016 and the violent protests led by Tehreek-e-Labaik Pakistan party (TLP) in Asia Bibi case in 2018highlight the need to review the role of religious political parties in Pakistan. The religious political parties in Pakistan have been an important feature of country‘s political landscape. They have tried to capture the popular spaces through electoral politics though they have lacked a strong electoral standing. According to H.A. Rizvi, a Pakistani political analyst, ―No religious party has ever been able to secure more than a few seats in the provincial and national elections. Their performance is better when they build a nationwide or regional partnership or when they enjoy the blessings of a military government. If they create a coalition of their own, their electoral performance improves‖. (The Express Tribune, 03 April 2016)[12] In the general elections of 2002, Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) which was a political alliance of Islamists parties of Pakistan emerged at the national level. The popularity of MMA can be credited to its formation in direct opposition to Musharraf‘s decision to support United States in the ‗war on terror‘ campaign which was widely criticized. Also, the leaders of popular political parties such as Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) and Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Q) were rendered incapable of running for office on charges of corruption. A professor from a Pakistan university points that the popularity of MMA was majorly confined to the Pashtun-dominated areas. (The Express Tribune, 27 June 2018)[13] The religious political parties had strengthened under General Zia during the period of creation of Jihadi forces to fight the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan. During Zia‘s rule, the Jamaat-i-Islami and other religious parties which were involved in the first Afghan jihad enjoyed the support of military, and

provided volunteers for the war. Some of these parties continued to maintain relations with militant groups and extended support to al-Qaeda and Taliban. What concerns India is the ‗mainstreaming‘ of these religious groups (such as Jamaat-i-Islami that have been involved in Jihadiendeavours in Afghanistan and in India especially Kashmir) and also the military support and protection that they enjoy. Recently, the supporters of Tehreek-i-LabaikYa Rasool Ullah (TLYP), a newly-formed religious party blocked the main route between Islamabad and Rawalpindi in a protest to the remove the country‘s Law Minister over committing ―blasphemy‖. Blasphemy is a serious charge in Pakistan that can carry death penalty. During the Zia rule, Sections 295B and 295C were added to the Pakistan Penal Code which criminalized blasphemy against Islam and made it punishable with death. The army chief of Pakistan, General Bajwa refused to deploy the military to disperse the protesters because ―they are our people‖. Ultimately the violent protest was put to end after a deal was brokered by Pakistan military between the government and the protesters in favour of the demands of the Islamists. Unlike the various Deobandi religious groups that antagonized the military after Musharraf decided to support United States in post 9/11 scenario, TLYP which is critical of the civilian government, is pro-military while the military on the hand seems to be ―relying on Barelvi groups because the previous assets have now become a liability. Pakistan faces continuous pressure from the international community for not acting against terror groups like Hafiz Saeed‘s Jamaat-ud-Dawa, or its previous incarnation, the Lashkar-e-Taiba. By using the Barelvi groups, over an issue as sensitive as blasphemy, the military establishment might be preparing alternative assets to be deployed against their political rivals in Pakistan‖. (The Indian Express, 01 December 2017)[14]

The ―mullah-military‖ nexus in Pakistan share a long history. The incidence of Barelvis is not the first time that the Pakistan military has used Islam and the religious groups to forward their agenda in return of which, the religious groups have enjoyed the military support in order to gain access to national influence. Recently (in September 2018), recall of its decision by the government to appoint an Ahmadi as an economic advisor due to backlash from Islamists groups only underscores the clout of the hardline Islamists and the pressure the state faces from them. (The Indian Express, 08 September 2018)[15] The historic alliance between the Islamists and the military has also made Pakistan a breeding ground for radical Islam giving rise to militant Jihadism. The alliance ―has the potential to frustrate antiterrorist operations, radicalize key segments of the Islamic world, and

political role in order to allow the elected civilian government to make the policy decisions and let national interests overpower religious sentiments. The use of religion to acquire political power in countries of South Asia is not a new phenomenon. The alarm bell rings with the radicalized religious groups participation in the electoral arena in Pakistan. But with each successive election especially in past two decades, the share of religious parties in the electoral seats is on a decline. According to Farzhana Shaikh, a Pakistani historian and scholar, the religious parties don‘t win many seats in elections because ―mainstream parties are now appropriating the discourse of the religious right. The manifesto and campaign of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), and also the Pakistan Muslim League (N) and to a lesser degree the Pakistan People‘s Party on issues like blasphemy and women…their instance is indistinguishable from extremists. On issues like blasphemy which are seen as the index of the good Muslim against the bad Muslim, we mainstream political parties using the language of political Islam. So instead of religious parties entering the electoral fray, we must look at so-called moderate mainstream parties radicalizing their discourse.‖ (The Hindu, 14 November 2018)[17]

The religious parties might not win many seats in elections but they have the clout to set national agendas. This was well-exemplified when the radicals held the democratically elected government and the highest court in the country hostage after the Pakistan Supreme Court acquitted Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, in the blasphemy case[18] (in October 2018).The decision by SC invited wrath of religious parties such as Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) party whose members not only called for violent protests but issued death threats against Asia Bibi, her lawyer and the SC judges. The Pakistan government ultimately submitted to the clout of radicals and signed an agreement with the leaders of TLP. Under the deal, the government agreed to prevent Asia Bibi from leaving the country and not contest the review petition filed against the verdict along with release of the arrested protesters. The Supreme Court also came on knees. The Chief Justice of Pakistan, Saqib Nisar was found defending himself saying, ―No one should have the doubt that the Supreme Court judges are not lovers of Prophet Muhammad…How can we punish someone in the absence of evidence‖. (ibid.) The TLP had failed to win even a single seat in the National Assembly elections of 2018 despite fielding more than 170 candidates. (The Hindu, 22 November 2018)[19] This reflects the clout of the radical groups that remains and overpowers state institutions such as the military, the executive and the judiciary. (The Hindu, 15 November 2018)[20] They are expected, at least in the near future, to continue to exercise clout in social institutions, laws and policies of the country. because as Farzana Shaikh admonishes, ―religion is the source of division in Pakistan‖. (The Hindu, 14 November 2018)[21]

REFERENCE

1. South Asian Terrorism Portal (SATP), ―President General Pervez Musharraf‘s Address to the Nation‖, 12 January 2002, [Online: web] Accessed 13 October 2017; URL: http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/document/papers/2002jan12.ht. 2. Asia Bibi, a Pakistani Christian woman, was convicted of blasphemy by a Pakistani court in 2009. 3. Hegde, Sanjay (2018), ―A question of writ‖, The Hindu, New Delhi, 15 November 2018. 4. Ayoob, Muhammed (2019), ―Muslim, Islamic, Indian, or all of the above‖, The Hindu, 17 January 2019. 5. Binder, Leonard (1968), ―Religion and Politics in Pakistan‖, Los Angeles: University of California Press. 6. Raja, Arsalan (2017), ―Freedom of Religion‖, The Express Tribune, 04 August 2017, [Online: web] Accessed 01 October 2017 URL: https://tribune.com.pk/story/1473357/freedom-of-religion-3/. 7. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad (ed.) (1964), ―Speeches and Writings of M.A. Jinnah‖, Volume 2, Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf. 8. Hamza Alavi (1983), ―The State in Crisis‖ in Hassan Gardeze and Jamil Rashid (ed.) Pakistan: The Roots of Dictatorship, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 9. Hassan, Riaz (1983), ―Islamization: An Analysis of Religious, Political and Social Changes in Pakistan‖, Middle Eastern Studies, 21(3): 263-84. 10. Gustafson, Eric and William Richter (1981), ―Pakistan in 1980 - Weathering Storm‖, Asian Survey, 21(2): 162-71. 11. Barelvism is a movement which follows the Sunni Hanafi School of jurisprudence with followers in South Asia. It originated in the northern Indian city of Bareilly. Its founder was Ahmed Raza Khan (1856-1921). The

as veneration of saints. 12. Rizvi, Hasan Askari (2016), ―The politics of religious parties‖, The Express Tribune, 03 April 2016, [Online: web] Accessed 13 August 2017 URL:https://tribune.com.pk/story/1078158/the-politics-of-religious-parties/. 13. Rais, Rasul Bakhsh (2016), ―Three myths of Pakistani politics‖, The Express Tribune, 27 June 2018, [Online: web] Accessed 13 July 2018 URL:https://tribune.com.pk/story/1743187/6-three-myths-pakistani-politics/. 14. Ali, Umer (2017), ―Why are Barelvis yielding new political influence in Pakistan?‖, The Indian Express, 01 December 2017, [Online: web] Accessed 13 July 2018 URL: https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/why-are-barelvis-wielding-new-political-influence-in-pakistan-4962824/. 15. Presse, Agence France (2018), ―Pak. Caves to pressure over Ahmadi adviser‖, The Indian Express, New Delhi, 08 September 2018. 16. Haqqani, Husain (2005), Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 17. Haider, Suhasini (2018), ―Pakistan is likely to continue its state of stable instability‖, The Hindu, New Delhi, 14 November 2018. 18. In 2009, Asia Bibi, a Christian woman, was accused of blasphemy by her neighbours and jailed, pending trial. The Supreme Court acquitted her in the case in October 2018. 19. Rahman, Faizur (2018), ―Getting justice for Asia Bibi‖, The Hindu, New Delhi, 22 November 2018. 20. Hegde, Sanjay (2018), ―A question of writ‖, The Hindu, New Delhi, 15 November 2018. 21. Haider, Suhasini (2018), ―Pakistan is likely to continue its state of stable instability‖, The Hindu, New Delhi, 14 November 2018.

Dr. Neha Lohamaror*

Doctor

nehasinghloha@yahoo.com