1 Research Scholar, Kalinga University, Raipur 2 Associate Professor, Kalinga University, Raipur

New India's foreign policy was a clear divergence from the colonial power's approach of using force or intrigue to bring other countries under its control. Against this, India has taken the position of aiding democratic movements in its immediate region as a national strategy. When the Rena family's century-long tyranny was overthrown, King Tribhuvan was reinstated on the throne and democracy was established in Nepal. the signing of a peace and friendship treaty in 1950 and accompanying letters that defined security relations between the two countries as well as an agreement governing bilateral trade and trade transiting India were the beginning of a special relationship between the two countries post-independence. Nepal's foreign policy priority, on the other hand, was to safeguard and maintain the country's territorial integrity from its neighbors21. There were several threats to Nepal's sovereignty under the Panchayat regime, a political structure that existed from 1960 to 1990 based on the Panchayat system of self-governance. Consequently, the survival of the monarchy became associated with the protection of the state.

PARAS KHAREL ET AL (2021) Covid-19 has to light two important economic elements of Nepal's relationship with India: its expanding trade deficit and the unrestricted movement of people between the two countries. Irresponsible and counterproductive is blaming the trade deficit primarily on supply-side constraints. According to this brief, India and Nepal's business connections may be strengthened by decreasing non-tariff obstacles, increasing quality testing facilities, and updating the bilateral trade treaty. The brief argues that tighter border restrictions will benefit both countries in the long term. In order to prevent future violence, both nations must address their territorial disputes and abstain from intervening in each other's internal affairs. SHAIK IFTIKHAR AHMED ET AL (2021) having access to clean water is critical for a healthy social environment. However, the role it plays in a country's economic progress is not confined to whether or not it is a source of conflict or calm. Many of the world's water problems may be solved swiftly and easily with the correct management measures. The Trans Boundary Rivers (TBR) has the potential to have a significant influence on people's lives in both Nepal and India. There has been little progress in utilizing and sharing TBR water in spite of the fact that both nations have maintained diplomatic relations for almost a century. Bilateral water accords have produced more issues than they have addressed in the long term. This research intends to shed light on issues and difficulties that both countries face in sharing water resources in order to maintain peace and develop the area. KUSUM SHARMA ET AL (2021) From March 24 until July 21, 2020, the government of Nepal announced a state of emergency, prohibiting any travel, both domestic and international, as well as blocking the border and providing any services that aren't absolutely essential.. No fatalities were identified after completing reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) testing. It was the purpose of this study, which looked into COVID-19 in Nepal and its impact on health, socioeconomics and education to get an overall picture of the situation. Lockdown was in effect for the duration of the meeting. According to the Nepalese Ministry of Health and Population, we collected and analysed data. During the lockdown in Nepal, 7,791 RT-PCR tests for COVID-19 were performed, the highest number of tests. It was the highest single-day spike in corona virus infections in the virus's history, according to RT-PCR tests. VIJAY GOKHALE ET AL (2019) India and Nepal's post-independence relations were founded on shared cultural and historical heritage. Jawaharlal Nehru said it best when he said, "While Nepal was an independent nation, it was connected with India in culture and tradition and we did not look upon it as a foreign country." A century of Sino-Nepalese history centered on the Tibetan region was ignored by India's perception of China as a "interloper" in Nepal in 1950. Since New Delhi's close connections with Nepal are founded on similar history and culture, and a misperception of China's links with Nepal before to 1950, the relationship between China and Nepal has been misinterpreted. The Working Paper examines the impact of New Delhi's "fog of misunderstanding" on Sino-Nepali relations in the context of the triangular relationship between China, India, and Nepal. PRAMOD JAISWAL ET AL (2014) with an eye on strengthening its engagement with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), China's recent efforts have focused on strengthening its strategic partnership with Nepal. When Nepal hosts the SAARC summit, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Liu Zhen in addressed a gathering of lawmakers from around the country that China will benefit from closer ties with the South Asian grouping. Additionally, Nepal and China's Air Services Agreement (ASA) was revised to permit the expansion of weekly Nepal-China airline service from 14 to 56, viewed as a major step forward in commercial cooperation between the two nations. To achieve 70 flights per week in 2016, an additional seven flights per week will be added each year as a consequence of the new arrangement. Despite China's rise to superpower status and the importance of Nepal's role in the region, Located in the middle of two regional superpowers vying for global dominance, Nepal might become a flashpoint in the pressing concerns: safety.

A landlocked country, Nepal is strategically placed between two of Asia's most powerful nations: China and India. From the inception, the country's leadership has taken a cautious approach to international relations, especially with respect to its two close neighbors. Prithvi Narayan Shah's teachings make this point very clear. The bold, visionary, and nationalist monarch Prithvi Narayan Shah, who reigned from the second part of the eighteenth century, not only laid the foundation for modern Nepal's foreign and security policy, but he also helped shape the country's worldview. He likened Nepal like a yam wedged between two rocks. He went on to say that a close relationship with the Chinese emperor should be maintained. It is important to preserve good relations with our neighbors to the south. He advocated a defensive approach to combat rather than an attacking one. Even persuasion, tact, and deception may be used if the conflict becomes too tough to resist.

Due to his intimate familiarity with Nepal's geostrategic situation, Prithvi Narayan Shah advocated for a nation with its own foreign policy. His 'DibyaUpadesh' embodies this attitude well. A foreign policy of non-alignment could not be maintained by the subsequent kings, since Nepal was entangled in conflicts against Tibet and British India in 1792 and 1814. It was as a consequence of this that Nepal's border became more or less set. As a result of the Sugauli Treaty of 1816, Nepal's exterior connections were severely restricted, and British India remained the exclusive focus of Nepal's external transactions. From the signing of the Sugauli Treaty, the foreign policy problem and its ensuing implications could be witnessed.

After the Sugauli Treaty, the United Kingdom imposed an India-centric foreign policy on Nepal. As a consequence of Jung Bahadur's accession to power during the Battle of KotParva on September 14, 1846, Nepal saw a significant shift in its foreign policy. Jung Bahadur, an experienced politician, saw that China's influence in the Himalayas was waning, thus he established a foreign strategy centered on Britain's interests (Rose, 1971:106). A major priority for Rana PMs, notably Jung Bahadur, has been maintaining excellent relations with the UK. Thus, in those days, Nepal saw the world's issues from a British perspective. When Jung Bahadur went to England, he reinforced his belief that British authority in India would not be easily toppled and that the rebellion. Due to his trip to Europe through Britain and Nepalese military assistance to Britain during World War II, Jung Bahadur and the United Kingdom became closer. For all of these reasons, Nepal was cut off from the outside world. It is true that the strategy of isolation would finally benefit the Rana dictatorship and protect the nation from British takeover (Sharma, 2006:15). Even while Nepal's foreign policy was influenced by these factors throughout Rana's time in power, they were not solely responsible for the country's isolation from global opinion.

The 104-year-old Rana oligarchy came to an end in the 1950s as the political climate changed. The advent of a truly representative democracy ushered in a new era of global diplomacy. However, throughout the reign of Tribhuwan, Nepal's foreign ties were controlled by India. It was said that the two nations enjoyed a "special relationship" (Muni, 2016:59). Our southern neighbor was the primary source of this relationship. We didn't give a second thought to Nepal's relationship with China. The "Special Relationship" between Nepal and India was due to a variety of circumstances. During the reign of the Rana kings, a unique bond was forged between British India and the country's ruling family. After the British left the subcontinent, there were no significant improvements in the situation. Tripartite agreement for British Gurkha troops in India, 1950 peace and friendship pact, 1953 extradition treaty with India, etc. were key events to have particular ties between Britain and India in this period (K.C. 2072: 1-22). Additionally, the pact was signed at a period when Nepal was wary of Chinese influence, notably after China's takeover of Tibet in 1950. (Saran, 2017:153). In reality, Indian ambassadors to Nepal had to get access to the cabinet meeting in order to represent their country. Tribhuwan's special secretary, Govinda Narayan, was the home secretary of Utter Pradesh (K.C., 2072:14) another contributing factor was the anti-Rana movement's ties to India, as well as the familiarity of Nepali liberation movements with India. It was the little states that had to deal with the issue of particular connection, reliance, special direction, and interest (Shahi, 2073:133). India's open influence on Nepalese foreign policy was formed as a result of all of these circumstances.

After the devastation of World War II, global politics underwent radical transformations. Just after the conclusion of the Second World War, several of the pre-war allies formed coalitions of their own. Nepal's foreign policy has also seen a major shift in the last few years. King Mahindra‘s accession to power was a significant political event that led to the new condition of things. Mahindra‘s inauguration as king on March 13, 1955, was marked by two notable events: United would represent a watershed moment. Non-aligned foreign policy was set for by Nepal's participation in the Afro-Asian summit held at Bandung. Bandung conference laid the groundwork for the Panchasheel principles of nonalignment movement. Since then, Nepal's foreign policy has been guided by the principle of non-alignment. It was historically necessary for Nepal and other countries to avoid alignment in order to foster peaceful political growth and, more importantly, to recommend a middle route in the absence of competing armed demands (Khanal, 2000:425). To make matters worse, in the tumultuous days of Cold War politics and given Nepal's strategic position, it was an absolute need that the country embraces this approach. 3.5 Policy of Zone of Peace The Zone of Peace plan by Nepal was the most significant and unique strategic concept made by the country in order to project its evolving security. A fresh approach to Nepal's foreign policy was adopted with the ascension of King Birendra, who declared Nepal a "Zone of Peace." In 1973, during the Algiers non-aligned summit, the idea was initially floated. On February 25, 1975, king Birendra's coronation was conducted in Kathmandu, Nepal (Sharma 2006:239). Maintaining neutrality in all potential regional crises and ensuring internal political stability and economic growth were two major goals of naming Nepal a "Zone of Peace" (Muni, 2016:234-235). The security of the countries was in jeopardy as a result of developments in the immediate area, as well as the global political environment. To respond to the assertion of India's position following the policy shift to the Soviet Union in 1971, India's role in the partition of Bangladesh and annexation of Sikkim, an insignificant Himalayan state close to Nepal, and India's nuclear test prompted Nepal to devise a new policy initiative to declare the country a "Espace de Paix"" (Dahal 2011:41). Additionally, Nepal was experiencing difficulties owing to the Khampa incident and other internal issues (Baral, 2072:97). Nonalignment and Panchasheel's ideas were heavily influenced by the concept. There was huge international backing, but India has not yet embraced it because it believes that Nepal has ulterior motives (Srivastav, 2016:41). 3.6 Policy of Equidistance/ Equi-proximity This is a challenging and delicate topic because of Nepal's geopolitical situation and lack of development. Nepal's geopolitical and geostrategic position forces it to maintain a policy of balance with its close neighbors while dealing with foreign policy issues. India dominated Nepal's foreign policy until the mid-1950s. After becoming a member of the United Nations in 1955, Nepal became a part of the global community. A new strategy of equal relations between India and China was implemented by Highway (Thapa, 2016:19). To maintain an equidistance foreign policy, Nepal made strides by adhering to non-aligned movement ideals and relying on the Panchasheelas principles. Additionally, Mahindra adapted Nepal's foreign policy to fit the times by forging diplomatic and business ties with a wide range of nations. 3.7 Nepal and Trilateral Cooperation Interdependence between nations has been established through globalization, yet the politics of hegemony still prohibits lesser states from competing on an equal basis. Directly, Nepal has been affected by India and China's animosity, co-operation, and competitiveness. From the perspective of border, commercial, and strategic challenges, their relationship is fraught with animosity, cooperative, and competitive (khanal, 2073:286). The LipuLekh case has prompted us to reassess our stance. This tunnel was reportedly agreed upon by the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during Modi's visit to Beijing in May 2015. (Baral;2016:13). Is it possible to have a mutually beneficial trilateral partnership between the three nations? However, due to political, strategic, and geographic realities, trilateralism is a must-have problem for Nepal, China, and India alike. Development and economic success have been top priorities for both the presidents of India and China in recent years. Road, rail, and marine links have all seen significant improvements as well. One Belt One Road (OBOR) is Xi Jinping's plan to link 60 nations in Asia, Africa and Europe. Go West and the "Peripheral Strategy" (Subedi, 2016:41) have extended a sort of important progress of India in the area of science and technology, and the "Neighborhood First" Policy may be productive for our prosperity. President's goal of building a "community of shared destiny" The notion of trilateralism may be realized if these policies are properly implemented. There is no guarantee that our near neighbors will put their security concerns on the back burner as a result. When it comes to Nepal, China is constantly on the lookout for any potential anti-China activity. Regarding Nepal, China is primarily preoccupied with the Tibet problem. China-India ties are still strained because of the border conflict, the Tibetan refugee problem, and China's strategic relationship with Pakistan (Baral, 2016:11-25). China's rising clout in Nepalese politics worries both India and Nepal. In India's view, Chinese investment in Nepal's infrastructure and energy is a cause for concern. It's not only terrorism and illicit commerce that cause animosity between nations with open borders; there are other issues such as the distribution of phoney money and an increase in criminal activity. Anti-Indian sentiment is on the rise in Nepal, which has exacerbated the situation. As a 3.8 Constitutional Provision The country's primary legal framework is the Constitution. The Constitution of Nepal 2072, which is the country's ultimate legislation, clearly outlines Nepal's foreign policy. Foreign policy has remained mostly unchanged since the adoption of the new constitution. Part four of the constitution, on the other hand, provides for the state's policies, directive principles, and duties. While safeguarding Nepal's freedom, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence (Article 50), the state is required to direct its international relations toward enhancing the nation's standing in the international community by maintaining international relations on the basis of sovereign equality (4). Additionally, the state aims to pursue an autonomous foreign policy based on the United Nations Charter, non-alignment, the Panchasheel Principles, international law, and global peace standards under the heading of "Policies of States." At the same time, active participation in preserving Nepal's territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence, as well as its national interests As a result of the constitution's added clause, the government will pursue a strategy of reviewing former treaties and negotiating new ones on an equal-and-mutual basis (article 51(m)2). Foreign policy rules have undergone a number of adjustments throughout the years, although they remain mostly unchanged. Nepal's foreign policy must be reevaluated in light of the current circumstances. Essentially, the Nepalese people and political parties want to reassess their relationship with the neighboring country to the south. 3.9 Formation of Eminent Persons Group (EPG) The cultural, religious, social, economic, and geographical linkages between Nepal and India are so strong. However, Shyam Saran, an Indian diplomat, has described the relationship as contradictory (2017:149). Because of the Indian embargo in 2015, anti-India sentiment in Nepal is on the rise. When it comes to the many treaties made between these nations, there is a lot of controversy. As a result of this realization, the Eminent Persons Collection (EPG), a group of foreign policy experts, has developed a cooperative mechanism. To fulfill its purpose, EPG was required to examine into the possibility of revising the Friendship Treaty, which was signed decades ago by the then-Prime Minister K.P. Oil and the then-Prime Minister Narendra Modi on February 20, 2016. The EPG was established to examine all aspects of Nepal-India relations from an impartial, non-governmental viewpoint and provide recommendations on how to strengthen and broaden the two countries' strong and complex ties. Bhekh Bahadur Thapa, a former foreign minister of Nepal, heads the EPG group from the Nepali side, which includes Nilambar Acharya, Dr Rajan Bhattarai, and Suryanath Upadhaya. Similarly, Bhagat Singh Prasad (the Kathmandu Post, 6 July, 2016;1). Taking into account shifting regional and global dynamics, the eight-member committee has been tasked with putting together a mutually agreed-upon paper within the next two years that suggests measures to boost bilateral relations. This group's primary objective is to update bilateral agreements and arrangements. In general, it is mandated to look at five broad areas of Nepal-Indian ties, namely political relations, government-to-government ties, development cooperation, economic exchanges, and social and cultural ties.. We can only hope that the suggestions it makes help to improve relations between these two close neighbours.

In 1955, Nepal became a full member of the United Nations, which officially opened the door to the world community. Furthermore, Nepal has twice served as a temporary member of the United Nations Security Council (1969-1970 and 1988- 1989). NAM was founded in 1961, and Nepal is one of its founding members. This has been made possible by Nepal's commitment to the founding of SAARC in 1985 and of the SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu. When Nepal joined BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiatives for Multi-sect oral Technical and Economic Cooperation) on July 31, 2004, it gained a wider audience in the international community at large - 42. Nepal now chairs SAARC and BIMSIEC, but the country's inability to arrange their summits has prompted numerous issues about its competence to govern international affairs.

Prithivi Narayan Shah, Nepal's first monarch, recognized the country's geographic location early on and advocated for careful interactions with its neighbors. After his death, neither his successors nor the country's unity were able to grasp the reality of the situation. There was no essential form to the Nepali government's foreign policy when faced with this predicament. Various trends and circumstances led to significant shifts in foreign policy orientation. Various historical eras have opted for different types of foreign policy, including neutral and non-aligned, isolationist, equidistance, zone of peace, and non-alignment. It didn't matter who was in charge; the goal was to keep their rule in place. Even after the restoration of democracy, there was no room for deviation from party line on matters of foreign policy.......... As long as the king or queen has sought to shift internal political dispute to the outside world, they've ended themselves in hot water. Even the country's ability to pursue an autonomous foreign policy was severely hampered by the circumstances.

REPORTSJAN 12 2021 2. Shaik Iftikhar Ahmed (2021),‖ India-Nepal Water Cooperation: Issues and Concerns,‖ Journal of Indian Water Works Association LII(2):125-129 3. Kusum Sharma (2021),‖ Assessment of COVID-19 Pandemic in Nepal: A Lockdown Scenario Analysis,‖ ORIGINAL RESEARCH article Front. Public Health, 08 April 2021 4. VIJAY GOKHALE(2019),‖ ndia‘s Fog of Misunderstanding Surrounding Nepal–China Relations,‖ OCTOBER 04, 2021 5. Jaiswal Pramod,―Chinese Inroads to Nepal‖,Himalayan Frontier, #4319, 3 March 2014,Nepal-Articles, IPCS. 6. The Constitution of Nepal (2072 B.S.). Government of Nepal, Ministry of Law, Justice,Constituent Assembly and Parliamentary Affairs, Law Book Management Committee. The Kathmandu Post, 6 July, 2016. 7. Srivastav, Vivek Kumar (2016). Nepal's Foreign Policy in Quest of Identity in Nepal's Foreign Policy and Her Neighbours. Edited by Pramod Jaiswal and Geeta Kochhar, Delhi: Smt Neelam Batra, GB Books Publishers and Distributors 8. Singh, Bawa and Shah, Shabaz Hussain (2016). Nepal's Equidistance policyTowards India and China: Exploring the Shifting Paradigm in the Post-Monarchial Era in Nepal's Foreign Policy and Her Neighbours. Edited by Pramod Jaiswal and Geeta Kochhar, Delhi: Smt Neelam Batra, GB Books Publishers and Distributors. 9. Saran, Shyam (2017). How India Sees the World. New Delhi: Juggernaut Books. 10. Palmer, Norman D. and Perkins Howard C. (2015). International Relations (Third Revised Edition). New Delhi: AITBS Publishers, India.

Research Scholar, Kalinga University, Raipur